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Rescuing Peace

Is there a way out of the Israel-Palestine deadlock,
short of entirely scrapping the peace process?

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s the shock, rage, and na-
tional grief over the mas-
sacre at Beit Lid begin to
subside, Israelis and
Palestinians have begun asking
two blunt, critical questions:
How did we get into this mess,
and how can we get out of it?
Or, phrased slightly more
thoughtfully: How is it that after
the soaring hopes raised by the
Oslo breakthrough, matters have
reached such a nadir of anger, bit-
terness and stalemate? And how
— assuming the key issues and
players will remain the same for
the foreseeable future — can the
impasse be broken and the Is-
raeli-Palestinian peace process
be set back on track?
The experts have a clearer
sense of what went wrong than
how to correct it. And they virtu-
ally bristle at the notion of a quick
fix that will relieve the painful
symptoms plaguing both sides.

into a pragmatic one with whom
you can conduct rational discus-
sion," continued Mr. Benvenisti.
"It created a 'marketplace of dis-
cord' where the enemies could
conduct their bargaining. But
what it emphatically did not do
was decide the question of what
to accomplish in that market-
place: Resolve the violent conflict
or continue it by other means."
Each side, Palestinian and Is-
raeli, has approached that ques-
tion differently, because each has
its own reading of what peace en-
tails. Israel equates it with secu-
rity, including the safety of
individual citizens. Palestinians
see it as an acceptance of their
desire for independence, political
equality and national respect.
Indeed, said Mr. Benvenisti,
the Declaration of Principles "ad-
dressed the inter-communal con-
flict between the Israelis and
Palestinians as though it were

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But in looking back at the past
17 months, they generally agree
that the problem began with mis-
placed expectations and with a
fundamental misunderstanding
of what the Oslo agreement was
really about.
Perhaps the most widespread
illusion created by the "historic
handshake" was that peace had
broken out on that September
day on the White House lawn.
"Yet what was forged in Oslo
was not peace," said Israeli con-
flict-resolution expert Meron Ben-
venisti, "but a general agreement
[the Declaration of Principles] to
enter into a process."
The really important feature
attached to the agreement, al-
most incidentally, was the mu-
tual recognition by Israel and the
Palestine Liberation Organiza-
tion.
"Recognition transformed the
other side from a demonic enemy

AP/EYAL WARSHAVSKY

one between two sovereign
states," but it didn't take this con-
ception to its natural conclusion.
Mr. Benvenisti said: "Instead of
establishing the principle of ulti-
mate division, it outlined only an
`interim agreement' without an
agreed-upon end."
That the accord did not legit-
imize Palestinian aspirations
made the next stage of the
process all the more complex.
"By fa iling to determine what
the end of the process would be,
the DoP divided Palestinian so-
ciety," explained Ziad Abu-Amr,
a political scientist at Bir Zeit
University in the West Bank.
"The opponents of the agreement
— the fundamentalists and left-
ist factions in the PLO — held
that if the balance for forces was
weighted so heavily against the
Palestinians at the start of the
process, it couldn't be expected to
change in the final settlement."