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November 28, 1986 - Image 17

Resource type:
Text
Publication:
The Detroit Jewish News, 1986-11-28

Disclaimer: Computer generated plain text may have errors. Read more about this.

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Marketplace in Shati
refugee camp in the Gaza Strip.

,

ty doesn't exist because the Arabs aren't
ready for it, and until they are, we have to
survive."
On the other side of the political divide,
the Israeli Labour Party's chairman of the
Knesset Foreign Afffairs and Defence
Committee, Abba Eban, supports some
form of power-sharing on the West Bank.
But he is not sanguine about the prospect
of a long period of "undefined, unresolved
sovereignty."
Eban, in fact, regards Israel's continued
military occupation of the West Bank as
a cancer in the Israeli body politic which
is steadily eroding the values on which
Israeli society is based.
His great fear is that the ultra-national-
istic bloc, which advocates annexation of
both the West Bank and Gaza, will even-
tually triumph. The result, he says, would
be disastrous.
"Nowhere else is there a country in
which 37 percent of the population neither
owes nor gives allegiance to its flag, its
tongue, its name or its faith," he says.
"There isn't another nation ruling a foreign
nation without giving any definition to its
citizenship and , civic rights."
Even the current relatively benign situa-
tion has a corrosive effect on Israeli morali-
ty: "In order to defend the frankly hierar-
chical position of the Jews," he says, "you
have to have an ultra-nationalist move-
ment like Gush, Emunim which must
develop a theology of the master race."
This gloomy view is echoed by Dr. Meron
Benvenisti, who heads a United States-
backed West Bank Research Institute in

Jerusalem. Palestinians, he says, are right-
ly contemptuous of Israeli declarations
about autonomy because of their collective
experience of 19 years of Israeli
occupation.
During that time, says Benvenisti, suc-
cessive Israeli administrations, both left
and right, have ensured control over 52 per-
cent of the land of the West Bank, have
severely restricted agricultural land and
water use, investment and industrial
development. The West Bank, he contends,
has become a valuable captive market for
protected Israeli products and a vast pool
of cheap labour.
The undeniable growth in Palestinian
education, health and individual prosperi-
ty, he says, must be set against communal
stagnation and the "iron fist" of the Israeli
military authorities.
A bureaucratic momentum has been
created, he says, which is "pushing inex-
orably towards the full absorption of the
territories into the Israeli system."
Without confronting these uncomfor-
table facts, Benvenisti believes that at-
tempts to improve the quality of life on the
West Bank can only be a fig leaf which
might make Israelis feel better about the
occupation but which will do nothing to
end what he calls "the old tragedy."
Irael must take unilateral action to im-
prove relations with the Palestinians
"based on firm principles of respect for
basic human dignity and communal iden-
tity — not as part of a carrot-and-stick
policy of control whose aim is to
perpetuate the tyranny of the majority" Li

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17

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