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16

most
cots

Friday, November 28, 1986 THE DETROIT JEWISH NEWS

Jordanian monarch recognizes that the
PLO is by now irreplaceable as the "sole
legitimate representative of the Palestinian
people" and that he is directing his efforts
at creating a potent lever that will impel
Arafat to the negotiating table with him.
That lever could well be Arafat's vital
constituency in the occupied territories,
where even a modest erosion of support is
likely to force him into a radical reassess-
ment of the PLO's strategy.
Even before al-Shawa's dramatic declara-
tion, King Hussein had sent a powerful
message to the PLO chairman, one which
may prove to be the shape of things to
come.
When United States Vice President
George Bush visited Israel recently, he
hosted the customary reception for
dignitaries from the West Bank and Gaza.
Supporters of the PLO characteristically
rejected the invitation out of hand, an-
nouncing that they would boycott the
function. 'lb their dismay, however, they
discovered that supporters of King Hus-
sein had accepted en bloc.
According to the pro-Arafat, Jerusalem-
based weekly Al Awda, the PLO leadership
swiftly revised its position and ordered its
followers to attend the reception "rather
than leave the field open to Jordan's sup-
porters."

"Like siamese twins," noted one corn-
mentator on Middle East affairs, "Hussein
and Arafat know that they need each other
in order to live. They are playing a game
of nerves."
Few Israeli politicians are willing to
predict the final outcome of the contest for
ultimate control of the Israeli-occupied
West Bank and Gaza and its 1.2 million
Palestinian inhabitants. They talk
cautiously of "power-sharing," of "devolu-
tion," of "autonomy" or of "functional par-
tition."
But what in essence they all mean, in the
short term, at least, is a process which will
lead the Palestinians to take responsibili-
ty for running their own day-to-day affairs
while Israel retains control over security.
Israeli politicians on the right, who are
ideologically opposed to relinquishing any
part of the West Bank, regard this as their
maximum concession to Palestinian
nationalism.
Those on the left, however, view it strict-
ly as an interim arrangement: the West
Bank — at least that part which is not con-
sidered vital to Israel's security needs —
remains a bargaining chip to be exchanged
for peace.
The hope on both sides, though is that
the institution of what is, in effect, the old
Camp David autonomy plan will force the
Palestinians to take charge of their own
destiny and thereby encourage the
emergence of a new, moderate leadership
which is independent of the PLO.
According to Ehud Olmert, a member of

the right-wing Likud Party in Israel's
Knesset (parliament), no one possesses the
tools that can provide the instant, perfect
solution to the problems of the West Bank.
"My political vision does not reach cen-
turies ahead," he says. "I simply see the
territories being shared by Israel and Jor-
dan for an indefinite period?' He believes
that the only alternative to conflict is
autonomy, which would require "direct,
unofficial, secret negotiations with the Jor-
danians — something which has been done
very successfully in the past."
"We must be modest, work out a process
of a very gradual nature and proceed from
one point to another," he says.
Olmert's reluctance to be drawn on the
specifics of a final settlement is shared by
almost all Israeli politicians, except those
on the far right who favour annexation and
those on the far left who advocate the
establishment of a Palestinian state.
"Everyone wants independence," says
Dan Meridor, a prominent member of the
Likud's young guard and one of the corn-
ing men in Israeli politics. But since the
prospect of an independent Palestinian
state on the West Bank is simply not in
the cards, Meridor sees just two alter-
natives — the expulsion of the West Bank
Palestinians, which he rejects, or coex-
istence, "even if that means some Arabs be-
ing deprived of the right to live in an in-
dependent state."
"Finding a way to coexist peacefully will
present both sides with unique, un-
precedented difficulties," he says. "But if
we succeed, we can live for years with
undefined, unresolved sovereignty.
"Israel is now in the process of waking
up from a dream. We wanted so badly to
believe that there was going to be a
dramatic, swift act that would solve the
problem. Now, the disillusionment is bitter.
"I want peace, I want negotiations, I'd
be glad to sit and talk. But that possibili-

Hussein wants to show
that while Arafat can
provide the ideology,
only Jordan can put
the bread on the table.