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CLOSE-UP
THE DETROIT JEWISH NEWS
country other than America, one that was
about the size of New Jersey, was not in
North America and and was hemmed in by
some very unfriendly neighbors.
Victor Navasky, The Nation's editor,
said Vidal was being "intentionally pro-
vocative, as he .has been in his writings
since the end of World War Two. He would
probably have been more effective if he
was not as provocative. But one healthy
thing that has come out of all this is that
such matters as dual loyalty are being
discussed. Usually, they're not talked
about out loud."
Vidal's piece also illuminated the fact
that suspicions of Jews' "dual loyalty"
still persist. They may be dormant. They
may be rarely articulated. And it may take
someone with the chutzpah of Vidal to
speak bluntly on the subject. Several peo-
ple I interviewed for this story thought I
was beating a dead horse by writing a
story on "dual loyalty." A better analogy
might be that of the Phoenix: Dual loyal-
ty never seems to die; it always rises,
miraculously, from the ashes of denials,
refutations, and, apparently, premature
burials.
Ironically, charges of dual loyalty
originally came from Jews. Dual loyalty
first became an issue in the United States
around 1910 when Zionists argued with
anti-Zionists over the implications of a
Jewish state. Anti-Zionists claimed a
Jewish state would force the "Jewish in-
terests" of American Jews to transcend
their "American interests." Backing a
Jewish State, they said, would be tanta-
mount to treason.
Nonsense, fumed Zionists. A Jewish
State — democratic and egalitarian —
would be compatible with American in-
terests, American policies and American
principles.
"The highest Jewish ideals are essential-
ly American in a very important particu-
lar," said Supreme Court Justice Louis D.
Brandeis. "It is democracy that Zionism
represents. It is social justice which
Zionism represents and every bit of that
is the American ideal of the 20th century."
To Brandeis, the ideals and the desire for
liberty that had characterized the earliest
Americans had been reborn in a movement
to let Jews live in freedom. Eventually,
Brandeis even welded Zionism and Amer-
icanism into one: "To be good Americans,
we must be better Jews, and to be better
Jews, we must become Zionists."
Even after the creation of Israel,
Zionists and anti-Zionists — and many
others — still bickered about this issue.
Israel's first foreign minister, Moshe
Sharett, tried to defuse the entire matter
when he took Israel's seat in the United
Nations. "The State of Israel," he said,
"claims no allegiance from Jews in other
lands."
But as Gore Vidal's attack indicates, the
matter was not laid to rest. It crops up
"Loyalty to another nation
such as Israel does not
mean total identity," said
Irving Levine. "It
means affection."
.
sporadically. In his memoirs, for instance,
Henry Kissinger mentioned that Richard
Nixon believed that American Jews "put
the interests of Israel above everything
else."
Kissinger also implied that he had the
same concerns. As the nation's first
Jewish Secretary of State, he wrote, "I
had to subordinate my emotional
preferences to my perception of the na-
tional interest. Indeed, given the historical
suspicions toward my religion, I had a
special obligation to do so. It was not
always easy; occasionally, it proved pain-
ful.'"
And in 1981, Charles Mc.Mathias,
Maryland's Republican Senator, warned in
a controversial article in Foreign Affairs
that "ethnic politics" in America —
whether practiced by Jews, Greek-Amer-
icans, or blacks—were contrary to the na-
tional interest.
"They have generated both unnecessary
animosities and illusions of common inter-
est where little or none exists," stated
Mathias.
But Irving Levine of the American Jew-
ish Committee perceived no conflict be-
tween ethnic politics and the "national in-
terest." In our pluralistic society, he said,
ethnicity is the American way. Out of
ethnicity's diversity comes the melting pot
that is consensus American politics.