I
n the wake of the 2022
midterm elections, Michigan
defied expectations of a red
wave, reelecting Gov. Gretchen
Whitmer and electing both a
Democratic
state
Senate
and
House for the first time in nearly
40 years (although Democrats
did hold the state House about 15
years ago). With this Democratic
trifecta in power comes the
opportunity to address education,
make progress on workers’ rights
and better leverage federal funds
in Michigan.
Education
One concern this trifecta can
address with regards to education
is literacy. The Read by Grade
Three Law requires schools to give
reading and writing assessments to
children in kindergarten through
third grade. If a student falls
more than one grade level behind
proficiency, they must repeat
third grade, which is ultimately
unhelpful to students as it merely
serves to set them behind their
peers. A more favorable method of
alternative education for students
who fail the test would be to ensure
that they can continue onto the
next grade level with their peers
and learn the skills they fall behind
on with remedial education.
In order to assure that the
education system is addressing
literacy
throughout
all
parts
of the state, state funds should
be allocated to different school
districts based on demonstrated
need. While each district and
student is different and there is no
perfect spending plan, more can
be done to address the fact that a
large number of Michigan’s school
districts spend at least 10% less
than the national average on each
student. The curriculum should
also be standardized at the state
level to minimize disparities in
curricula from district to district
and to ensure greater access to
accelerated education programs
for each district.
A
more
equitable
learning
experience
can
be
furthered
beyond the classroom in funding
students’ access to technology
and free lunches. Ann Arbor
Public Schools, for example, were
able to help level the playing field
among students during COVID-
19 by providing Chromebooks for
remote learning to every student.
Not all school districts have
the funds to provide adequate
technology to each student, but
as learning becomes increasingly
dependent on technology, that
must change. Also, during COVID-
19, a federal program existed that
allowed students to obtain free
lunches. This program ended in
July, but free and reduced school
lunches are still needed urgently
as rising inflation creates further
food insecurity for low-income
families. Free and reduced school
lunches reduce food insecurity,
obesity rates and poor health
outcomes, making these programs
paramount
in
maintaining
healthy
and
equitable
school
environments.
These
provisions,
however,
must extend beyond students and
to teachers. Because teachers form
the minds of the next generation,
a minimum salary should be set
statewide to retain teachers and to
ensure a quality education for all
Michigan students.
Workers’ Rights
Now that Democrats have won
the governorship and the state
legislature, they can holistically
approach the issue of workers’
rights
and
reinvigorate
the
economy as we move past the
immediate COVID-19 crisis. A first
priority should be to repeal the
“right-to-work” laws implemented
by former Gov. Rick Snyder, which
weakened union membership in
the state to the point where union
membership is currently at its
lowest point in decades. Although
it may seem backward to pay to
work, unions require dues and fees
to increase their bargaining power
— which allows them to increase
wages and safety in the workplace
across the board. Decreased union
membership allows companies to
exploit their workers more than if
they were unionized and decreases
pay and equity, according to the
U.S. Department of Labor. For
the sake of workers during these
increasingly
uncertain
times
and
record-breaking
inflation,
repealing Snyder’s anti-labor laws
should be a top priority for this
new trifecta government.
Another
priority
should
be
continuing
to
reinvigorate
the economy after COVID-19.
Michigan actually saw a higher
GDP growth than the average
U.S. state: 6.2% compared to the
national average of 5.7% in 2021.
Under Whitmer, the state had
the best post-pandemic economic
recovery in the nation. This trend,
albeit
hopeful
for
Michigan’s
broader recovery after the 2008
recession, should be continued
with smart legislation and policy
that
encourages
investment
without sacrificing the rights of
the laborer.
One might say that repealing
Snyder’s
right-to-work
laws
would
discourage
companies
from coming to and investing in
Michigan. While that might be true
to some degree, Snyder’s right-to-
work laws didn’t attract companies
from
coming
back
after
the
recession either. Regardless, many
companies are either outsourcing
their labor to other countries.
Further, would Michigan laborers
want to sacrifice their rights to
bolster the profits of distant CEOs,
such as in Texas? Companies that
would so brazenly violate the
rights of their workers shouldn’t be
welcome, under any circumstance.
There are other ways to usher
in economic prosperity without
sacrificing the rights of the worker.
One way to do this is to assist in
the broader shift in the automotive
industry from fossil fuels to electric
or hybrid vehicles. Michigan’s
automotive industry is the largest
in the country and makes up about
18% of the state’s labor force. It’s
integral to the economy of the
state and should be encouraged
to develop and prosper with more
climate-conscious means.
Renewable energy is a rapidly
expanding industry, and Michigan
could put itself at the forefront of
this burgeoning industry through
electric vehicles (EVs) and more.
One strategy could be tax breaks or
subsidies for firms manufacturing
renewables and EVs. Encouraging
movement of firms to Michigan
while
retaining
environmental
integrity
would
be
fantastic.
Retraining programs for workers
shifting from more traditional
manufacturing jobs into cleaner
industries would be important as
well.
Leveraging Federal Funds
In
order
to
achieve
the
policy
goals
outlined
above,
the trifecta must manage and
direct the use of federal funds in
a productive manner. With the
growing economic importance of
developing innovative technology,
the federal funding provided by
the CHIPS and Science Act would
allow Michigan to progress as a
technology-manufacturing titan,
if used correctly. The CHIPS and
Science Act has put forth around
$50 billion for semiconductor
research
and
manufacturing
in order to further bring back
manufacturing jobs to the United
States.
With Michigan’s history of
being
a
manufacturing
titan,
mainly in the automotive industry,
there is an opportunity for the
state to start the transition from
automotive
manufacturing
to
technological manufacturing with
the CHIPS and Science Act. If the
Democratic trifecta can use the
money allocated by the CHIPS
Act to motivate technological
innovation
and
manufacturing
across the state, it will create
millions of jobs and spur major
economic growth.
Properly leveraging the funds
provided by the CHIPS and
Science Act would not only result
in overt economic benefits but
also further growth in many
urban centers as well. Cities
such
as
Detroit,
Hamtramck
and Dearborn — centers of the
automotive industry — can also be
hotspots for semiconductor and
other technological development
with the CHIPS and Science Act.
This would not only help the
individuals in the city but also
revitalize the cities by reinventing
the way money flows in and out of
these areas. Furthermore, a focus
on creating tech manufacturing
jobs within the state would also
provide local job opportunities for
University of Michigan graduates.
Another area that the newly
instated trifecta should focus on
is counteracting climate change.
With the Inflation Reduction Act
of 2022, there is now over $350
billion in federal funds to help
fight climate change and support
energy security, which means that
a Michigan government focused
on environmental policy could and
should make great strides toward
protecting
the
environment.
The act itself explicitly provides
a variety of Michigan-centered
commitments to support cleaner
air, electric vehicle production and
lower energy costs.
The trifecta could use this
newly
allocated
money
in
a
plethora of ways. A newer form of
climate-friendly
infrastructure
is the addition of solar panels
on homes and other buildings.
Subsidies,
tax
exemptions
and other factors that would
incentivize solar panel additions
on homes could be enacted by
the trifecta to spur individual
motivation on environmentally
progressive actions. A focus on
solar panel construction and other
progressive infrastructure would
ensure that Michigan reaches its
goal of carbon neutrality by 2050.
A third point of impact for the
trifecta could be the opportunity
to improve and develop various
areas of infrastructure within
the state with the newly enacted
Bipartisan Infrastructure Law.
T
he speculation that the
2022 midterm elections
would be a red wave for
the Republicans turned out to be
incorrect. In fact, Nov. 8 turned
out well for the Democrats.
With fewer than expected losses
in the House and the Senate’s
remaining
blue,
the
Biden
administration
retained
more
power than expected. While
Republicans managed to hold
their governorships in Georgia,
Florida and Texas, Democrats
won in Pennsylvania, Michigan
and Wisconsin. In Michigan,
Democrats
flipped
both
the
state House and Senate, giving
Democrats a trifecta for the first
time since 1982. Reproductive
rights were on the ballot in five
states, with all ballot initiatives
resulting in wins for abortion
rights supporters.
While Election Day’s results
will determine the balance of
power for the next two years,
sights have already turned to 2024
— specifically, to the Republican
primary.
Former
President
Donald
Trump’s
inability
to
deliver big wins for Republicans
has thrown into doubt whether
he can lead the party to take
back the White House in 2024.
Meanwhile, Florida Gov. Ron
DeSantis seems poised to vie for
the Republican nomination.
While Trump announced his
reelection bid on Nov. 15, no one
should expect that he will cruise
to an easy victory. Considering
DeSantis’s strong performance in
Florida’s gubernatorial election
and Trump’s failure to deliver
major wins for the Republicans,
America
should
prepare
for
a Republican primary pitting
Trump against DeSantis.
Not only do political pundits
and commentators predict that
DeSantis will challenge Trump
in the 2024 Republican primary,
but Trump seems to fear the
same scenario. On Election Day,
the former president spoke to
reporters about the possibility
of a DeSantis run, saying that it
would be a mistake because “I
will tell you things about him
that won’t be very flattering.
I know more about him than
anybody other than perhaps his
wife, who is really running his
campaign.” Trump also did not
endorse DeSantis in this election
cycle
and
called
him
“Ron
DeSanctimonious” at a rally on
the Saturday before Election Day.
Trump has good reason to fear
a DeSantis challenge in 2024. For
one, while some Trump-endorsed
candidates were successful on
Election Day, such as J.D. Vance,
the newly elected senator from
Ohio, and Wisconsin Sen. Ron
Johnson, many were not, such as
Pennsylvania Senate candidate
Dr. Mehmet Oz and Arizona
gubernatorial
candidate
Kari
Lake. Trump does not have the
hold on the Republican Party
he once had. Even in Florida,
DeSantis won a higher percentage
of the vote than Sen. Marco Rubio,
who received an endorsement
from Trump last year. While
Trump continues to shape the
direction of the Republican Party,
voters are not as drawn to him as
they previously were.
Trump’s
reelection
bid
could be further marred by his
continued legal problems with
the Department of Justice and
the Jan. 6 committee subpoena.
These issues could continue his
challenges with the electorate
that were evidenced by the lack of
his endorsed candidates who won
in the election this year.
DeSantis, on the other hand,
has only become more popular
with voters, at least in the state of
Florida. In 2018, DeSantis barely
won the gubernatorial election
against Democratic challenger
Andrew Gillum by 0.4%. This
year, DeSantis won by a margin of
19.4%. DeSantis also won a higher
percentage of the vote than
Trump in 2020, who received
51.2% of the vote to President
Joe Biden’s 47.9% in Florida.
Additionally, DeSantis performed
well in traditional Democrat
strongholds, such as Miami-Dade
County, showing that DeSantis
could perform well in other swing
states and districts.
DeSantis can also use the
policies he has implemented
as governor to his advantage.
DeSantis has taken controversial
policy
actions
to
become
a
star on the right. The COVID-
19 pandemic led DeSantis to
implement a variety of policies
that elevated him in conservative
circles
and
horrified
those
on the left. DeSantis banned
mask mandates in schools and
lifted COVID-19 restrictions on
businesses in Sept. 2020. Besides
COVID-19
policies,
DeSantis
signed restrictions on discussion
of sexual orientation, gender
identity and critical race theory
into law, all of which appeal to
many Republicans. DeSantis has
also taken actions on the national
level. He chartered flights to
take Venezuelan asylum seekers
to Martha’s Vineyard, Mass. in
Sept. and refuses to say whether
or not he supports Trump’s 2020
election lies.
DeSantis’s actions and policies
appeal to the right without taking
Trump’s
approach
of
brash
election denial and potential
criminal
conduct.
However,
Trump has one advantage over
DeSantis.
Opinion
The 2022 Midterms have set up for
a Republican showdown in 2024
The Michigan Daily — michigandaily.com
12 — Wednesday, November 30, 2022
From The Daily: How Michigan Democrats
can take advantage of their trifecta
LYDIA STORELLA
Opinion Columnist
W
hat is life like after
midterms? What do
we do in the time
leading up to the next election
season? The rhetoric around
the significance of voting can
feel both overwhelming and
inadequate. It’s one of the few
tools we have at our disposal as
we work towards, in the words of
scholar Aziz Rana, “a future we
demand but cannot guarantee.”
But is voting really the only
obligation we have to one another
and to our democracy? Once
we’ve casted our vote… what
comes next?
Here at the University of
Michigan, I am a student at the
Ford School of Public Policy.
In my studies, I am continually
struck by how long it takes for
systemic
change
to
happen.
Whether we are talking about
local, state or federal government,
once a person has been elected
or appointed and starts to enact
legislation, the headlines may
stop rolling out — but that’s
where the grueling work of what
we’ve resigned ourselves to call
“democracy”
begins.
Often,
things like administrative bloat,
implementation and bureaucracy
mean that legislative wins, such
as the Infrastructure Investment
and Jobs Act, can take years
to yield fruits for everyday
Americans.
Democracy can’t take years,
and neither can the pressing
needs of so many Americans.
You might have seen the wins
you wanted this election cycle,
but despair, polarization and
divisiveness still threaten the
very fabric of our country. If we
want a more just society that
lasts longer than our lifetimes,
beyond the pendulum swing of
an election — we need to do more
than a bi-annual vote.
In
fact,
voting
is
wholly
inadequate for the problems we
face, especially when thinking
about divisiveness and conflict.
We’ve lost the ability to talk
about sensitive issues such as
race, gender or sexuality and
we can’t seem to have political
discourse in a civil manner. This
is highlighted in the backlash
that the University received for
hosting Ben Shapiro. And by the
way, some of our biggest public
servants don’t succeed in civil
discourse either, in cases such
as Kari Lake and Paul Gosar. On
his campaign trail, President
Joe Biden often talked about
his hopes for healing the soul
of our nation. A good first step
could be learning how to have
conversations with people we
disagree with.
In a study room at the Public
Policy
School,
I
sat
down
with Olivia Vaden, a proud
Michigander and Michigan State
University alum who is currently
a second-year Master of Public
Policy
student
concentrating
on
workforce
development.
“I’ve definitely had a chip on
my shoulder since (the 2016
presidential election) about civic
engagement and what that looks
like,” she said.
She worked hard to get out of
her comfort zone and participate
as much as she could. Canvassing,
joining groups to help organize
and get out the vote. But after
the results, she was left stunned,
especially after seeing all of
the polling and punditry that
predicted Hillary Clinton would
win and history would be made.
“I was like, this doesn’t make
sense. This was not what you told
me would happen if I did all this
civic engagement,” Vaden said.
For her, being real with
ourselves and others through
open dialogue is a necessary way
to engage. “I think processing
and getting real about your
feelings,
or
why
something
angers you, why the other side
feels a certain way, that’s the
next step. Some things we will
never find a middle ground
on, but we can have difficult
conversations about policy and
politics and values with people
outside of our echo chambers,”
Vaden said. The idea of stepping
out of your echo chamber can
feel uncomfortable. If you don’t
agree with Republican ideologies
or policies, why go out of your
way to engage? If you dislike
Democrats, why put yourself
through a difficult conversation?
Given that there are powerful
forces, namely the media, seeking
to divide us, it might seem that
we’re already too polarized for
conversation to do much good.
Conversation is trivial to some
for this reason. But others stand
by its significance, like Young-
Chan Lim. Lim is a second-year
Master of Public Policy student
and works at the Ginsberg
Center, where he advises student
organizations at the University
on
community
engagement
direct impact grants. He is
queer, a first-gen college student
and an immigrant; his lived
experience with those identities
has sometimes posed a barrier
between him and others, making
him well aware of how deep
conversation can bridge gaps in
experience. “Engaging in deep
and
powerful
conversations
with one another is (a) hard but
necessary day-to-day activity,”
he said. “Every discipline, every
expert has their own thesis
on what that looks like, but I
think it starts with compassion,
especially for people I disagree
with.”
Conversation is the first step
toward a healthier democracy
ELINA MORRISON
Opinion Columnist
THE MICHIGAN DAILY
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