T he events of Jan. 6, 2021, have been a topic of Republican revisionist history, willing ignorance and delusional falsehoods for over a year now. Leaders of the Republican Party have gone from blaming former President Donald Trump at least in part for the insurrection, to absolving him of all responsibility. Those who were once labeled domestic terrorists are now being labeled political prisoners, with Trump and his fiercest allies now floating pardons for the insurrectionists, claiming that they would mend alleged atrocities being committed by federal prosecutors. Republican members of Congress all are but guaranteed to dodge any question regarding the day, and conveniently somehow never seem to have heard about the barrage of asinine comments from their fellow colleagues. Yet, through all of this, Republicans continue to claim they aren’t saying what they are, and don’t believe what they do. In the span of a little under a week, this attitude finally changed with the leader of the Republican Party and the party’s official committee both finally admitting what political observers have long noted. The Republican Party at large believes that the insurrection was just and normal, a mere moment of political protest and discussion, and Donald Trump wanted former Vice President Mike Pence to single-handedly overturn the election. The first of the two admissions of guilt came from Trump himself when he went the furthest he ever has in his criticism of Mike Pence, this time outright saying that Pence alone could have overturned the will of over 80 million voters. Though Trump has long critiqued Pence for his failure to reject electoral votes from battleground states — something he had no right to do — he has tried to phrase his critiques in such a way that he simply is asking for more time to consider supposed irregularities. Trump likewise posits that state legislatures merely ought to have had more time to debate newly found evidence of fraud, that of which did not exist. The statement was riddled with his usual gripes, claiming fraud and “many other irregularities” and slamming Susan Collins as a “wacky” RINO (Republican in name only). He also claimed that pending legislation, that would make it clear the vice president has no power to change the outcome, would take the power away from the vice president, something that is not accurate. Ignoring the immense hypocrisy of this position – how would he feel about Vice President Harris overturning election results and giving Biden a second term? This statement betrays the deep-rooted contempt that the former president and his backers have for democracy and the peaceful transfer of power. This was so abhorrent that even Pence directly called him out, disputing his claim and outright saying “President Trump is wrong.” Even putting aside the fact that Trump is painfully wrong in regards to a vice president’s capacity, the idea of a president endeavoring to so blatantly, tactlessly and short- sightedly disrupt the will of a majority of American voters is eye-opening, even for a man with a record like Trump’s. Not to be outdone, Republican officials also made waves at the Republican National Committee’s winter summit in Salt Lake City, Utah. A censure resolution, led in part by RNC Chairwoman Ronna McDaniel, sought to condemn Representatives Liz Cheney, R-Wyo. and Adam Kinzinger, R-Ill. for their roles on the House Select Committee on the January 6 Attack. Republicans have long tried to dismiss the committee, claiming it is a partisan, Pelosi-led sham meant solely to hurt Donald Trump and his accomplices. That is a false claim, as the committee features the aforementioned two House Republicans, with Cheney as a co-chair of the committee. Additionally, House Republicans shot down an attempt to have an evenly partisan split investigation into the events of Jan. 6, one in which Republicans would have had subpoena power of their own, negotiated by a Republican representative that House Minority Leader Kevin McCarthy himself had assigned to the negotiations. The resolution said that the RNC should “immediately cease any and all support” of the two Republicans, that the pair “support Democrat efforts to destroy President Trump” and have engaged in acts “not befitting” Republican members of Congress. While all parts of the statement are insane in their own right, one sentence stands out in particular: “They chose to join Nancy Pelosi in a Democrat-led persecution of ordinary citizens who engaged in legitimate political discourse.” The statement, which McDaniel later tried to backtrack, was a stunning admission. It shows that prominent Republicans believe that an insurrection meant to thwart the democratic process, which led to the deaths of at least seven people, injured hundreds, defaced the capitol building and forced the vice president and others into hiding, was nothing more than ordinary citizens taking part in everyday political discussion. The claim, however egregious it is, is less surprising in itself than the fact that the official party committee was willing to admit such a disgusting belief. The GOP has now tied themselves to this malicious lie; the lie that the most severe attack on the United States Capitol since 1814 was just citizens using their voice. A voice, according to them, that Kinzinger and Cheney are now maliciously silencing. According to the GOP, the fault lies with these two honest representatives, not the insurrectionists or those who necessitated their intervention. That Trump and the RNC are now willing to be so forthright about their despicable actions and beliefs is a sign that things are getting worse, not better. Though they have both felt these ways for a while — with their continuous push for less protections for voters and more discretion for states to determine gerrymandered congressional maps — the fact that they now feel comfortable outright claiming these authoritarian ideas outright is just another dangerous step towards the dismantling of our fragile democracy. The midterm elections are now less than eight months away, and Republicans have been told by their leaders that political violence is no big deal, that election losses, no matter how legitimate, are not to be accepted and that violence is acceptable in an attempt to overturn an election. It is yet another ominous sign of what’s to come, and a potential pretext for something worse to happen the next time Republicans lose an important election. W e’ve all experienced it. A shoulder brush that knocks you painfully to the side; a body in your way, oblivious to the path you were trying to walk; a sidestep, right where your foot was supposed to go next. Space that was yours, invaded. Invaded is a harsh word to use, but it is a harsh action to experience as well. Society tells women that they must be small in every way. Verbally, in how they speak and voice opinions. Socially, in how they act and present themselves. And physically, in how much space they are allowed to take up. We are told to be so small, it’s like we aren’t even here, like no one can even see us. But I see you. I see you, girl on the M-Bus, with her legs turned toward the wall, leaning away from the stranger taking up his space and then some. Your seat is a foot and a half wide, and you shouldn’t have to share it. I see you, girl at the recreation center, waiting by the door in your leggings because another boy took the machine you’ve been waiting on for the past 20 minutes. The leggings are cute, and it was your turn. I see you, girl in class, with your bag on the floor and your hands in your lap because the boy next to you has claimed half the table. I see you, girl who makes space for someone disregarding yours. I see you, girl feeling invisible. The invasion of space, both physically and socially, is so common that we have words for it. “Manspreading” and “mansplaining” are newly coined terms to describe men over-stepping both physically and in conversation. With both terms, they are holding more space for themselves than they should. The problem is, the bigger someone makes themselves, the smaller the people around them are forced to be. In “Shrinking Women,” Lily Myers says that “she wanes while (he) waxes,” and that women have been “taught accommodation,” a scene displayed with crossed arms and legs, folding in to be less. Women spend more time watching for others in their path while walking than men do, and stay within their bounds of the sidewalk more as well. It is clear that this problem persists in life all around, but what is to be done about it? This societal issue is hard to correct because it is subconsciously ingrained. One cannot fix the behavior before they are aware of the behavior, and thus unintentional behavior will require an intentional correction. Personal space, as is denoted in the name, is individual to each person, making it subjective and often subconscious. It is natural and acceptable to have different levels of comfort regarding personal space. However, we need to prioritize spatial awareness. We must make a conscious effort to notice and respect the space of those around us. This includes monitoring our own behavior, as well as that of others. Dr. Joanne Motiño Bailey, lecturer in the Women and Gender Studies Department at the University of Michigan, and Dr. Lisa Kane Low, professor within the School of Nursing at the University, present seven feminist strategies in “Gynecologic Health Care” that have been researched and found to enact the type of difficult social change that this situation calls for. One of these strategies is to analyze one’s own role or relationship to the issue. This can be done by anyone, of any gender, to support women. Ask yourself, what connection do you have to the issue, and how do you act because of that? Men may take up more space than warranted in this context compared to women, perhaps unintentionally. To implement this feminist strategy as a man, one might recognize his role in this issue, and then consciously decide to make space for others. For a woman, applying this strategy could be to recognize her position in this dynamic, and then to speak up about it. It is also important to advocate for others who may have a harder time asking for space. Speaking out does not need to be confrontational or unkind, and demanding space is not rude. Addressing the issue comes before resolving it. With intention and respect for all in mind, we can create an environment that is more comfortable for everyone around. To the women reading this, my message to you is that it is okay to take up space. You don’t have to be short or thin or tiny. Be strong, be capable. You don’t have to move; you are entitled to that bus seat just like any other student. You don’t have to yield; you were walking there first. You don’t have to shrink; that’s your personal space. You don’t have to make yourself smaller because others want you to be. It’s okay to take up space. The Michigan Daily — michigandaily.com Opinion 14 — Wednesday, February 16, 2022 It’s okay to take up space AMY EDMUNDS Opinion Columnist DEVON HESANO Opinion Columnist Trump and the RNC say the quiet parts out loud Design by Maddy Leja, Opinion Cartoonist The North Campus dinner experience J ustice Stephen Breyer’s recent decision to retire was one of the few expected political developments in an era of tremendous uncertainty. After a long career of compromise that earned him the respect of both parties, Breyer’s retirement presents President Biden with a chance to re-center his struggling administration and make a lasting impact on the political climate of the nation. Judging by the strife that has accompanied recent nominees, Biden must approach his choice of a replacement with extreme caution. He must be careful to make a reasonable decision that doesn’t lead his presidency further astray. In order to accomplish this, Biden should look to nominate a nontraditional candidate who can voice a wider set of opinions than current justices: a centrist’s opinion. During the 2020 Democratic primaries, Biden promised to nominate a Black woman to the Supreme Court, a promise that revived his stagnant campaign. While his choice for the high court will be a history-making pick because of their demographic, if Biden is truly committed to diversifying the bench, he should also look for diversity elsewhere. The court is currently woefully homogeneous, with almost all of the justices coming from urban backgrounds, and all justices, beside Justice Amy Coney Barrett, having attended Harvard or Yale. While it’s important to have highly qualified individuals on the bench, it’s also paramount to have voices that represent the breadth of American experiences. Though the multitude of traditional achievements amongst recent justices is evident, the similarity of their backgrounds is clear in both the cases they add to the court’s docket, which overwhelmingly originate from urban areas, and the rulings they ultimately make. In order to widen the breadth of experience in the highest court in the land and push back against the status quo, Biden should stray from convention and look for a judge from a nontraditional background. In addition to selecting a nominee who represents a broader set of Americans, it’s important that Biden chooses a judge that mirrors the ideologically centrist views of the average citizen. While Biden himself is a moderate, his governing style over the first year of his administration has reflected the influence of left-wing activists in his party, whom Biden often struggles to push back against. With only three left leaning justices on the bench, the country needs another justice capable of compromising with the more right leaning wing of the court, in the mold of Justice Elena Kagan or Justice Breyer himself. If, however, Biden selects an activist Judge in the vein of Justice Sonya Sotomayor, who often goes out of her way to comment on national politics, he risks sabotaging any chance of compromise and ceding the court’s rulings to its right wing. Justice Breyer made his mark on the court as a moderate always open to working with anyone on rulings. Of the three current left leaning justices, he has cast the lowest percentage of votes aligning with the left wing of his party, deviating on issues he believed would stoke ideological divides. In particular, he voted against the law to uphold the full Medicaid expansion, in the process negotiating with Chief Justice John Roberts to maintain the individual mandate, a ruling that ultimately kept millions of citizens with pre-existing conditions covered by the law. He also sided with conservative justices on issues of religious freedom, allowing the public display of the Ten Commandments in two distinct cases in an effort to avoid “religiously based divisiveness.” More recently, he has publicly opposed court-packing and has even gone so far as to pen multiple books defending the Supreme Court as a neutral institution. His willingness to compromise lent credence to the rulings that he ultimately decided to take strong stands on, allowing him to be the voice of reason in decisions protecting the right to abortion and to respectfully dissent to the expansion of the death penalty. Finding a new justice who follows this style is critical to maintaining a sense of balance on a court where the right wing outnumbers the left two to one. Ultimately, Biden’s nominee for the Supreme Court will have profound implications on the law for decades to come, as well as immediate impacts on national unity. In a time when Americans face economic threats from the tailwinds of COVID-19 and international threats from China and Russia, the country certainly does not need the outer partisan battling that has accompanied recent nominations. By choosing a judge with a background that matches a broader set of American experiences, Biden has a rare opportunity to hit the reset button and finally deliver the unity he promised. Let’s hope he makes the right decision. President Biden, it’s time for a diverse and centrist judiciary NIKHIL SHARMA Opinion Columnist