The first time I became aware of my body, I was 12 years old at an outdoor water park. I sat in an inflated tube, swaying back and forth in an obnoxiously loud wave pool with my sister and friends. It was a perfect day until it wasn’t. At one moment, my sister and friends had been taken elsewhere by the manufactured tide and I sat swaying along, enjoying the blazing sun on my face and the cool of the water on my feet. I was then approached by two white teenage boys, who I first thought were mistaking me for someone else. One of them looks at me, stifles a chuckle and eloquently slurs: “Hey, I just wanted to let you know my boy over here thinks you’re hot.” The boys erupted into a fit of laughter and swam away, likely never to think of that moment again. They were to move on in the world, unaware of the effect of their words on the women they encounter, unaware of its effects on me. But I sat there, suddenly aware of the layers of extra fabric clinging to my skin, embarrassed and choked by the polyester hijab that circled my face; suddenly aware of how ridiculous I must have looked for two white boys to approach me and jokingly tell me they thought I looked “hot.” In that moment, what was a perfect day turned into a demarcation of when I first became uncomfortable being a visibly Muslim woman in a country that valued women based on their appearance. I didn’t tell anyone about this — not my sisters, not my friends. I just wanted to shrivel up like my pruned feet in that wave pool, never to be seen again by anyone. Since then, I’ve always known my body, a woman’s body, a Muslim woman’s body, to be a complicated thing. And I don’t mean that in a feminist, body-positive way, though I am both of those things. What I mean is, a woman’s body sometimes feels like a free-for-all, a legislated playground that starts to feel like less of a body and more of a foreign object that does not feel in line with the rest of one’s being. After that moment, I tried to minimize the parts of me that made me visibly Muslim. I no longer prayed in public and sometimes opted for a hoodie instead of a hijab. When I was in high school, I became obsessed with makeup because it was the only part of my appearance that I could control. Every paycheck that I got from my cashier job at the dreaded local supermarket went straight to Ulta and Sephora. I would watch tutorials and wake up two hours early for school just to cover my face in extravagant paints and powders, to look like someone I wanted to present to the world. When my mom criticized my makeup addiction and questioned who I was putting in all that extra effort for, I shot back with the quintessential response: “I’m doing it for me.” And like many women, I think I started to believe it. I started to believe that my desire to make myself more desirable stemmed from myself and was uninfluenced by external factors and opinions. To an extent, women do perform these things for themselves. It is a form of self-preservation to take care of oneself, to put meticulous care and effort into carefully coordinated outfits, perfectly manicured nails, curled and coated eyelashes. But I couldn’t help but wonder if at some point, for some women, did this desire stop being a form of self-preservation and become a manifestation of social expectations? Some time in high school I was introduced to white feminism, which at the time I thought was just feminism, not thinking about the ways it often excluded women who looked like me. Feminism told me I should wear what I want, date who I want, do what I want and I loved it. I championed the agenda to my Arab and Muslim family, who told me not to be like those Godless Amerkaan who showed their bodies and slept around and didn’t care about their family’s reputation. Feminism told me all women were equal and that our choices were only ours to make. It talked about freeing the nipple and empowering women to strip down, but did nothing to empower women who chose to cover up. It talked about free access to abortion in America, but not about forced sterilizations and sexual assault in refugee camps. It talked down on women I knew and loved, women like my mother and my aunts and my grandmother who chose to stay at home and raise children, raise villages, which was a world of work in itself. It told me to make my own choices, but didn’t tell me what to make of the women who did not have access to the same choices. It didn’t tell me how to balance expressing my individuality and owning my body while remaining respectful to my culture and true to my faith. Becoming comfortable in my skin is a process. For Muslim women, expectations of what one should be are drastically different for women who choose to wear the hijab versus those who don’t. In the Muslim faith, hijab is a commandment of God when a girl comes of age, as are praying, fasting, giving to charity, etc. However, like everything else in life and religion, every choice is a personal one and everyone’s journey is different. Nonetheless, by putting themselves on display, women who choose to wear the hijab are exposing themselves to the unwarranted and relentless ideals imposed on them by two competing sides — Western society and the Muslim community. On one end, we are being told by Western society: You are oppressed, and in order to liberate yourself, you must reject the restrictive notions imposed upon you by your community. But this liberation comes at a price: We will set you free, but at the same time, we will make you want to change everything about yourself that makes you “other.” Your Arab nose, your thick curly hair. We will eat up the parts of your culture we deem worthy. Your delicious food, your exotic dancing. We will don hijabs on scantily clad models on runways but scoff in pity when it’s a part of your everyday life. Almost every Arab woman I know has either gotten or talked about getting plastic surgery. Nose jobs and face lifts, keratin hair treatments, thinned and tattooed eyebrows. And the discourse surrounding these treatments is mostly positive and uplifting. It is a woman’s choice what to do with her body. Yes, but to what extent is it really that woman’s choice when notions of what she should look like are ingrained into her from the moment she is old enough to switch on the television? On the other end, our body is an open- ended discussion for Muslim and Arab men, who drown out the sound of their own shortcomings with the sound of us messing up. They tell us our clothes are not modest enough and simultaneously shame us for not being “open-minded enough” and willing to bend our rules for their own pleasure. Elder women look at you in disgust in the grocery line because the strands falling out of your loosened silk hijab tell them I am American before I am Muslim, before I am Arab, before I am anything. I’ll give you an example. Last summer, after returning from my study abroad program, I was working at a small Yemeni restaurant near my house. One day, I was serving a table of older men, dressed in abayas and turbans who looked at me a little too long when I brought them their appetizers. I ignored the feeling I got — that pit-in-the-bottom- of-your-stomach feeling that makes you feel like you are on display, that sudden awareness of body — and continued doing my job, even when I saw the men stop my coworker to whisper something in her ear as she walked by. Later on that night, my sister, who is closer friends with my coworker, told me what those men said: They wanted my coworker to tell me that my shirt was too short, that a hijabi like me should dress better in a place like this where men come and are free to look. She was too shy to tell me in the restaurant and I’m glad she didn’t. When I first put on my hijab at 9 years old, I was not thinking about these things. I was not thinking about my physical appearance or how I would go on to be perceived in the world. I wasn’t thinking about how the deliberate covering of my body would lead to an undeliberate uncovering of my identity in every room I walked through — that I would be judged as Muslim first, human second. I didn’t think about the humiliation I would feel at that waterpark and how subsequently, swimming — something I used to love and enjoy— would become something I dreaded and avoided. I was thinking: My mom and my sister wear it. I love my mom and my sister. I love God, and he wants me to wear it. And I never regretted it, never saw it as anything other than an extension of my identity, a testament to my faith in God, until that day at the waterpark. After that, it became something that clearly announced me as “other,” something boys would never find attractive, something my American peers would never understand or accept. I worried they would think I was somehow less educated, somehow less American than them, somehow more docile and less assertive and more passive. I don’t remember my first experience with discrimination in America; at this point these instances have blended into a myriad of little moments, microaggressions and blatant remarks, but I can tell you about the first time I became aware that my body was not always something that would feel like mine. To most, identity politics are known as a garnering of support for a political figure or platform that represents specific demographics, whether that be race, religion, gender, etc. In recent years, the relevancy of identity politics has increased as diversity in government has become much more important now than ever before. For example, the pool of 2020 Democratic presidential nominees was the most diverse the party has ever had. We have gotten to a point where identity markers have started to be seen as a form of virtue signaling. More often than not, someone is assumed to be a good person just because they belong to one or more marginalized groups. This strips the nuances of an individual and automatically assigns them a certain amount of morality based upon a few characteristics. While uplifting members of minority groups in politics is beneficial for representation, it can be harmful when it’s done without knowing a politician’s background and platform. Representation alone isn’t enough if a politician’s policies are harmful to their constituents. Take Lori Lightfoot, mayor of Chicago, for example. Her campaign was groundbreaking because she was a frontrunner to be the first gay, Black mayor of Chicago. However, while she was making headlines and gaining popularity because of this, many overlooked her background as a federal prosecutor and voted for her solely because of the facets of her identity, rather than the specific policies that she stands for. Consequently, her missteps as mayor have not been condemned nearly enough. In the most recent poll taken of her approval rating by Wirepoints last October, her approval still stands at over 60%. In February 2021, she spent $281.5 million in federal COVID-19 relief funds on the Chicago Police Department payroll, even though she had proposed a reduction in their budget back in 2020. In addition to this, she also refused to reduce the funding of the police force within Chicago Public Schools despite calls for her to disinvest in the CPD. While Lightfoot continues to maintain that she is only trying to do what is best for Chicagoans, her actions do anything but. After violent clashes between the police and Black Lives Matter protesters last summer in Chicago, it seemed to me and others that a positive step towards reconciling the tension between civilians and the police force would be to reduce their ability to inflict harm on citizens by defunding their operations and reallocating funds to social services and community programs. Instead, Lightfoot put even more money into the CPD, enabling them to continue their aggressive tactics. Another example of the harms of identity politics is current Vice President Kamala Harris. While it may be groundbreaking that she is our first female, Black and South Asian Vice President, her faults in her past as a “tough-on-crime” prosecutor are often ignored. In 2010, she sponsored a state truancy law as a part of her Truancy Project, which was designed to promote consistent attendance for young people in grade school. While the intent to reduce truancy in schools may have been well placed, the execution in the form of criminalization was extremely harmful. The implementation of this law led to the arrests of several parents, most of them being Black mothers, because their children were consistently absent from school due to outside circumstances like lack of access to food, resources or safe housing. Rather than focusing on combating the factors that may contribute to a lack of attendance in school, Harris resorted to unnecessarily severe punishment. Parents were unjustly arrested with little to no consideration for their domestic situations. Approximately two in five children ages two years and older whose parents have been arrested endure significant emotional and behavioral problems, which is roughly twice the rate when compared to children in the general population. From announcing her campaign for presidency on Martin Luther King Jr. Day to playing Tupac at her book signings, Harris seemed to publicly align herself with her Blackness through not-so-subtle cultural cues all throughout her presidential campaign. This comes across as highly performative because of her past in facilitating mass incarceration within Black communities. Despite her obvious pandering, Harris still garnered support from Black Americans after joining Biden’s campaign as the vice presidential nominee, which surely helped in their election in Nov. 2020. Even as vice president, she is still inflicting harm on entire communities. Since Inauguration Day in January, the Biden-Harris administration has been issuing drone strikes in Syria, physically harming countless civilians. It is important to not assume such high morality of politicians — or anyone for that matter — just because of the marginalized groups that they fall into. On a personal level, I had to take a step back and figure out when heavily relying on identity politics was clouding my political alliances. I, like many others, would love to have more representation in government from people who look like me, especially considering that the abilities of highly competent politicians like Stacey Abrams are often overlooked because they belong to minority identities. However, we have to keep reminding ourselves that not all representation is good representation and that research into a politician’s platform and background should always be done before giving them our full support. As a person of color, any type of application, whether it be college, job or internship applications are always equipped with stress, self-doubt and insecurity. I feel alone in academic and social settings at the University of Michigan, with about 55% of the student population being white and the median family income being a staggering $154,000 for the Fall 2020 undergraduate population. I, as a minority student who does not have the privilege of wealth nor whiteness, have had to endure a college experience overrun by feelings of imposter syndrome. Here at the University, I constantly feel the pressure of social and economic factors like race and social class that lead me to lose belief in myself academically and professionally. I dream to go to law school and become a lawyer, which I know will force me to exist within more intimidating environments of professionalism, whiteness and years of enhanced feelings of being an imposter. Interacting with students in my sociology, political science and public policy classes has resulted in very interesting yet uncomfortable conversations. It seems like almost every student has been interning for their local congressman since high school and have parents who own their own law firm. Comparing my background and experiences to others, the overwhelming sense of competition makes me anxious and worried about my future at the University and beyond due to my lack of experience compared to my peers. When it comes to discussions surrounding internships or any other professional opportunity, the number of white students who seem to have been handed positions because of their family’s privilege is honestly astounding. This past January, I started my application to the Ford School of Public Policy. Even before the start of my freshman year, I already knew I wanted to apply to this program come the winter of my sophomore year, and I worked my ass off both academically and professionally to try to secure an acceptance. I completed the prerequisites courses early, pursued internships that aligned with my political interests and became an involved student at the University to solidify that public policy was my passion while proving to admissions that I was a dedicated student. I thought what I was doing would be enough and that I would stand out among hundreds of applicants all competing for a spot in the 70- to 80-person cohort. But when talking to other students who had the same dream of attending the Public Policy School, it seemed that their experiences, grades and accomplishments were much more prestigious than mine. And when it was time to start my application, I needed to think of something that made me different from the rest of the applicants. There was an easy conclusion: my ethnicity. I am a Latino student at the University; I am a part of the mere 6.98% of the undergraduate population that is Latinx. Diversity has been proven to be beneficial in the classroom. Whether it’s ethnicity, socioeconomic class or religion that sets individual students apart, learning in diverse environments improves students’ cognitive skills and critical thinking. By boosting an individual’s abilities and intellect, diverse classrooms nurture further academic success and innovation. More diverse classrooms not only make me feel more comfortable, but they also create an open space for dialogue regarding important issues affecting various cultures and ethnicities. I knew my ethnicity would benefit the Public Policy School’s cohort, but I did not want to wonder if I had only been accepted for the sake of the school’s diversity numbers. My imposter syndrome made me feel that my experiences and grades would not be enough for the acceptance email that I’ve been dreaming of since I learned about the Public Policy School. I had to come to accept that a majority of the students applying, on paper, most likely appeared to admissions as identical. So many of us are pre-law, political science majors waiting on an acceptance to the Public Policy School. Most of us are politically active and involved in related organizations on campus, and some of us naively believe we can become president one day. Due to this, I knew the one place I could truly stand out would be in the application essays. It felt like the three 300- to 400- word essays would determine my future. After filling out basic demographic information in the early part of the online application, it was finally time to view the essay prompts. Unsurprisingly, the first one was the staple “diversity essay.” This year’s prompt started out by informing the applicants about how research has shown that diverse work groups are better at solving problems. They noted, however, that working in such groups can present considerable challenges to students who struggle to work with others from different backgrounds. The question then asked the applicants to write about an experience working in a diverse setting and specifically asked that the essay be focused around the challenges of working with differences. The final part of the prompt questioned the applicants to discuss in what ways one could improve on how productive and respectful they were to others of a different background. Though I was expecting at least one essay to prompt me about my background, this question was the most difficult one to write, taking me weeks of constant drafting and editing. I think it’s important for admissions committees to ask questions which allow students to vulnerably talk about their identities, but when it comes to this specific question, it seemed that the committee was only trying to see how white students have been able to interact in diverse settings. Instead of just asking about an experience in working in a diverse community, they asked about how the environment was challenging. After rereading the prompt over and over, I began to get angry. In what environment at the University have I had the opportunity to even work in a diverse setting? To me, this question asked, “How, as a person of color, have you faced challenges working in a diverse environment despite never being in one?” I’m almost always one of about three Latinx students in 300-person lectures, the only person of color in discussion sections and one of four brown students crossing the entire Diag, the center of the University. In all of my group projects and breakout rooms, I often find myself having to settle without having my ideas appreciated, being talked over and feeling stupid. I wish I had the opportunity to work in a diverse group setting so that I could finally be listened to, not doubted or ignored, but that is simply not the reality here at the University. I reflected on the final part of the aforementioned prompt: “Are there things you wish you had done differently or might do differently in the future to work more respectfully and productively with people who differ from you?” No, but this question caters to white students who trample the minority students at this school, creating a welcoming prompt for them to ease their way into. When talking to older friends in the Public Policy School who helped edit my essay, we all agreed that this prompt seemed to be purposefully phrased so that admissions would be able to see which white students were “woke” in appreciating diversity and understanding its importance. These students are obviously necessary for a holistically diverse environment, but the ease of being able to discuss working with people of different backgrounds provides advantages to white applicants over actual students who would contribute to a diverse cohort. I am a person of color who has solely been in majority-white environments, I could not think of a time where I faced a challenge working across differences, because I have rarely been presented with differences in my work environments. A challenge I have to constantly deal with is not being valued as a thinker and student within the classroom. It’s not my duty to respectfully and productively work with students who can’t see past my skin color. The Michigan Daily — michigandaily.com Michigan in Color 4 — Wednesday, April 7, 2021 The “diversity” question HUGO QUINTANA MiC Columnist Seeing through myself When do identity politics get harmful? UDOKA NWANSI MiC Columnist MAYA MOKH MiC Contributor Design by Ahmad Kady Design by Brianna Manzor Read more at MichiganDaily.com A challenge I have to constantly deal with is not being valued as a thinker and student within the classroom. It’s not my duty to respectfully and productively work with students who can’t see past my skin color.