Opinion The Michigan Daily — michigandaily.com 4 — Friday, October 18, 2019 Alanna Berger Zack Blumberg Emily Considine Emma Chang Joel Danilewitz Emily Huhman Krystal Hur Ethan Kessler Magdalena Mihaylova Timothy Spurlin Miles Stephenson Finn Storer Nicholas Tomaino Joel Weiner Erin White FINNTAN STORER Managing Editor Stanford Lipsey Student Publications Building 420 Maynard St. Ann Arbor, MI 48109 tothedaily@michigandaily.com Edited and managed by students at the University of Michigan since 1890. MAYA GOLDMAN Editor in Chief MAGDALENA MIHAYLOVA AND JOEL DANILEWITZ Editorial Page Editors Unsigned editorials reflect the official position of The Daily’s Editorial Board. All other signed articles and illustrations represent solely the views of their authors. EDITORIAL BOARD MEMBERS KIANNA MARQUEZ | COLUMN It’s time for sustainable agriculture F ollowing the recent climate strike that took place on campus last month, I have been thinking a lot about how I show my concern for the future of our environment. I was proud of myself for participating in an event that only resembled a microcosm of a greater movement and a period in our lives that will become a distinguished part of our history. Even through that sense of pride, I realized that this one event doesn’t represent my entire lifestyle. I should be creating more habits to cultivate my own consciousness about the quality of our environment. How can I truly care about our future when I continue to practice a lifestyle that is leading to its destruction? With that being said, I think it’s time that all of us — myself included — begin to uphold an environmentally-conscious mindset that starts with sustainable agriculture. Among the many aspects of our daily habits that contribute to climate change, our nutrition and appetite are major ones. While admittedly a habitual and unconscious decision, the simple choice of consuming meat or not consuming meat has become one of the most important debates influencing the future of the food industry today. Not only has the food industry been where this matter becomes important, but it has expanded to the public health sector, the environmental sector and the agricultural sector. Donald Scavia, University of Michigan professor emeritus of environment and sustainability, reflected in a recent article on the way many of our current diets contribute to the gradual destruction of our surrounding environment. For instance, it’s logical to connect the increase in algal blooms in Michigan and throughout the country with the strain our diets put on agriculture. As we contribute to climate change through the emission of greenhouse gases, we also contribute to these destructive algal blooms by allowing surface runoff to contain contaminants such as fertilizers and pesticides. Surface runoff poses a threat because an increase in the amount of nutrients present in a body of water, coupled with the increasing temperatures of those waters, festers large amounts of algal growth. Thus, it appears that the quality of our water resources has been hindered both by our demand for mass agriculture and by our other actions heating our planet, which are aspects of our lives that we can control. In an unintentional and almost oblivious way, our agricultural practices are leading to the destruction of the resource that best serves them and are jeopardizing the functionality of the industry as a result. At this point, it’s imperative to speculate how we can allow the agriculture industry to sustain itself and realize that it’s going to require drastic measures of change for self-sustained, deferential agriculture to be possible. Despite the challenges that will surface in this effort, we should be aiming to continue our mentality of being able to provide for ourselves as a civilization through agriculture, but only if we make the alterations necessary to make it a sustainable and conscious process. In an effort to promote the action of government and businesses to make agriculture sustainable, Scavia comments on reducing several components of the food industry system and implementing other techniques that reduce the effects of contaminants in our natural settings. For one, reducing the necessity for industrial- scale corn production would eliminate the extent that corn production contributes to nutrient pollution. In addition, reducing meat consumption would reduce the demand for corn production, again limiting the effects our actions have on the environment by controlling sources of nutrient pollution. Similarly, implementing a two-stage drainage ditch in the topography of agricultural areas would allow for the shape of the land to naturally capture nutrients without dispensing them into the groundwater during heavy rainfall periods. Thus, we should expect that the quality of our water resources can be salvaged in part by altering the demand for several types of infrastructure and all aspects of our lives and our society that we are able to influence and control. As Scavia concludes, it’s more surprising that little to no action has taken place to mitigate industry’s negative impacts on our environment than the fact that our environment is suffering as a result. Perhaps we aren’t able to contribute immediate change to the policies and laws we live by, but we have to realize that our social lives and habits today have been sculpted by the reaches of corporate influences since the beginning of the Industrial Age. We have the opportunity to influence the companies and the products that serve us. Therefore, to show them that we are truly concerned about sustainable practices, it’s crucial that we support shifting toward agricultural sustainability by reducing our interest in degrading processes and demand corporations become the primary proponents in creating institutional change. JONATHAN VAYSMAN | COLUMN Why pulling out of Syria is a massive mistake MAX STEINBAUM | COLUMN The Gettysburg of the Trump presidency F our months after the Union and Confederate armies receded from Gettysburg, President Abraham Lincoln boarded a train bound for the southern Pennsylvania town that had witnessed the costliest battle in American history. The following day, He delivered a two-minute speech that redefined our nation’s mission and has since come to be counted among the greatest speeches of all time. But the president did not anticipate his Gettysburg Address to be as revered as it has been, or at least, he did not believe his words could ever match the sacrifice made by the Union soldiers four months prior. “The world will little note, nor long remember what we say here,” Lincoln said. “But it can never forget what they did here.” Lincoln, of course, was only half right. America did note and does remember what was said on that Thursday in November in Gettysburg. There are few times in American history when the words of our leaders have become so entrenched in our national consciousness. Our collective remembrance of these times is usually associated with significant moments in American history. The words of the Declaration of Independence, for instance, encapsulate the zeitgeist of Revolutionary America. The immortal reassurance of FDR’s first inaugural address — “the only thing we have to fear is fear itself” — reflects the uncertainty Americans felt during the Great Depression. Unlike in November 1863, America is not engaged in a Civil War of cannons and rifles — but we are most definitely engaged in a civil war over our national character. We are quickly arriving at one of these momentous junctures. As House Democrats promote impeaching President Donald Trump — and justly so — two realities are clear: In the event of impeachment, all of America is curious as to what Congress will say, and posterity will most definitely applaud or condemn them for what they do. As much as Trump and his loyal Republican minions wish to discredit the impeachment inquiry, the drama is no trumped- up theater. Our president attempted to persuade a foreign government to investigate a political rival for personal gain. It was against the law, and if unpunished, it puts the integrity of American democracy in peril. By no means was Trump’s solicitation of the Ukrainian government to investigate former Vice President Joe Biden and his son appropriate or acceptable. Even Fox News’s Tucker Carlson, a long-time cheerleader for the president, recognized the severity of Trump’s offense. “Some Republicans are trying,” Carlson wrote with Daily Caller co-founder Neil Patel, “but there’s no way to spin this as a good idea.” House Democrats, who launched an impeachment inquiry after news of the Ukraine scandal broke, certainly agree. Unfortunately for the president, impeachment resides entirely within their control: Impeaching the president only requires votes from a majority of the House, which the Democrats hold 234-197. After his impeachment on the House’s charges, the president would then be tried by the Senate. To convict Trump and thereby remove him from office would require 67 Senate votes. Given the current partisan composition of the Senate, a conviction would necessitate 20 Republican defections. According to an Oct. 3 USA Today poll, only 17 percent of Republicans favor impeachment. Let’s pretend, for a moment, that every Senate Democrat were to vote to convict the president; that’s 47 of the necessary 67 votes. If the way Senate Republicans vote roughly reflects public opinion, 17 percent of the GOP’s 53 Senate seats would bring in nine more votes for conviction. The final tally would be 56 votes in favor of conviction to 44 against; the Trump presidency would survive by the grace of 11 Republican senators. But that simulation assumes Republican voting would follow public opinion (it very well may not), and that public opinion won’t be different come a Senate trial (it very well may). It also ignores the possibility, however slim, that Republican senators — however deferential to the president in the past — may not defend him from conviction. As CNN’s Frida Ghitis reports, “Former Republican Senator Jeff Flake said if the vote were private, at least 35 Republican Senators” would vote to convict the president — well over the 20 defections necessary for a two-thirds majority. Flake’s implication is rather upsetting: Because America will know how individual senators voted, a good deal of Republicans — perhaps enough to save Trump — will vote to acquit despite their better judgement. A principled stand against our criminal-in-chief will fail out of Republican cowardice. The Senate would do well to remember that this could potentially be the Gettysburg of the Trump presidency and perhaps even the era. In the event of impeachment, the bitterly judgmental eyes of history will fall upon them, and the country will note and long remember what they did. Kianna Marquez can be reached at kmarquez@umich.edu. Max Steinbaum can be reached at maxst@umich.edu. We are quickly arriving at one of these momentus junctures I n early October, President Donald Trump announced his plan to call back troops from northern Syria. This was immediately followed by Turkey invading Syria. Trump claimed he was completing his campaign promise of bringing home our troops and that “great nations do not fight endless wars.” While his base will see this as him fulfilling a campaign promise — which he is — I view this as a colossal mistake. The Middle East is known as one of the most unstable regions in the world. It has been plagued by war and chaos for the entirety of the 21st century. By removing our troops from the area and allowing the Turkish forces to invade, the chaos in Syria would increase immensely. A nation that has been torn apart by an ongoing civil war cannot handle a Turkish invasion. David Ignatius, a Washington Post columnist tweeted that “a bad situation in Northeast Syria is about to get much worse...The US will do nothing.” While I am typically one to say that the United States should not have to be the world’s policeman, in this case, I believe there is no choice. By leaving the region, we are leaving our Kurdish allies in Syria vulnerable to the Turkish forces. The Kurds were instrumental in helping us defeat and quell the presence of ISIS in Syria. They were the boots on the ground that helped us tackle one of the world’s most dangerous terrorist organizations. Nikki Haley, the former United States ambassador to the United Nations under Trump, said it best when she tweeted, “We must always have the backs of our allies, if we expect them to have our back. The Kurds were instrumental in our successful fight against ISIS in Syria. Leaving them to die is a big mistake.” If we allow our Kurdish allies to die, why would any of our other allies trust us to stand up for them? Trump is not only throwing Syria, specifically Syrian Kurds, into a war with Turkey, but he is also showing our allies around the world that we don’t care about them. It’s a very dangerous game to play. In a world as interconnected as ours has become, it is vital to make sure that we keep strong ties with our allies in the event of an emergency, or even worse, a war. Even Republicans are lashing out at Trump. Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell was critical of the president’s decision, stating, “A precipitous withdrawal of U.S. forces from Syria would only benefit Russia, Iran, and the Assad regime. … I urge the President to exercise American leadership to keep together our multinational coalition to defeat ISIS and prevent significant conflict between our NATO ally Turkey and our local Syrian counterterrorism partners.” It is unusual to see top Republicans, such as McConnell, criticize Trump. Despite the many issues I have with McConnell, he is completely right. In no way would pulling out of Syria benefit the U.S. It would only help Russia and other disruptors in the area, like Iran. Leaving Syria allows for hostile nations to influence the region and create more chaos. Russia knows that a war with the U.S. would end in catastrophic loss for both sides, but with the U.S. out of Syria, they will be able to assist the Turks in taking over the region and killing Kurdish allies. There is no reason for Russia to be fearful with the U.S. gone. I believe that Trump needs to reconsider his stance on pulling out of Syria. This could be far worse for his campaign than not bringing home the troops. The aftermath of what will happen in Syria will be a permanent stain, among many other things, on his foreign policy resume as president. Our allies will have less faith in us, and our word will mean nothing. The next time we make a promise to an ally they will take it with a grain of salt because of our actions in Syria. It will result in countless lives of allies lost and will throw the Middle East further into a downward spiral. Jonathan Vaysman can be reached at jvaysman@umich.edu. Our allies will have less faith in us, and our word will mean nothing I should be creating more habits to cultivate my own consciousness about the quality of our environment CONTRIBUTE TO THE CONVERSATION Readers are encouraged to submit letters to the editor and op-eds. Letters should be fewer than 300 words while op-eds should be 550 to 850 words. Send the writer’s full name and University affiliation to tothedaily@michigandaily.com. SUBMIT TO SURVIVORS SPEAK The Opinion section has created a space in The Michigan Daily for first-person accounts of sexual assault and its corresponding personal, academic and legal implications. Submission information can be found at https://tinyurl.com/survivespeak. MAX STEINBAUM KIANNA MARQUEZ