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October 31, 2016 - Image 4

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A

month ago, a guy at a
party turned to me and
said, “I don’t know your

name, so I’m going to call you
sugar tits.” Just three weeks ago,
a recording of Donald Trump
lauding his power to grab women
“by the pussy” surfaced. One in
four women on college campuses
are survivors of sexual assault. It
is frustratingly clear that gender
inequalities persist in our world.

When I express this frustration

to women a generation or two
older than me, they often respond
by reminding me how much
more power I have than they did
at my age. I am usually irritated
at these responses, uncertain
how to reconcile my anger with
appreciation for the privileges I
have in this generation. An event
hosted by the LSA Human Rights
Program last week addressed
this tension, and emphasized that
anger can productively coexist
with appreciation for past success.

The Human Rights Program’s

distinguished lecture event Oct.
11 featured Kathryn Sikkink,
a
renowned
professor
and

researcher
of
human
rights.

Sikkink’s presentation highlighted
a paradoxical characteristic of
the human rights movement:
The more we mobilize to combat
human rights violations, the more
dismal the situation appears. She
attributes this feature of the human
rights movement to three things:
First, the more data gathered
about a human rights violation,
the more prominent that violation
may seem. Second, as activists and
organizations succeed in securing
more human rights, the standard
of accountability rises. And third,
a focus on suffering is integral to
human rights movements because
dismissal of suffering may appear
callous and would do little to
motivate change.

Consequently,
the
dialogue

surrounding
human
rights

movements and institutions is

often pessimistic. Sikkink argued
that while negativity may be
inherent in human rights advocacy,
unchecked pessimism is corrosive
to the human rights agenda.
Quoting Saul Alinsky, Sikkink
emphasized
that
successful

activism requires three things:
anger, hope and action. The anger
portion of this trifecta, Sikkink
argued, is highlighted in human
rights activism, while the hope
portion is often underemphasized.
Without evidence that our actions
have been successful, we risk
losing hope that change is possible.

Her words reminded me of

my
grandmother’s
standard

response to my frustration with
gender inequality: “I know you’re
frustrated, but you are forgetting
how far we have come.” Just as
Sikkink’s work seeks to remind
human rights advocates of their
success, elder feminists remind
women of my generation that
women’s rights movements have
been successful. Remembering to
recognize success, however, can
be challenging.

I
am
angry
that
women

hold only 19.4 percent of U.S.
Congressional seats. Yet in less
than 100 years, women in this
country have progressed from
having
no
representation
in

government to likely reaching one
of the most powerful leadership
positions
in
the
world.
By

advocating for women’s suffrage in
the early 1900s, the International
Women’s
Suffrage
Alliance,

along with other organizations,
fought long and hard to free
women “from the thraldom [sic]
of the centuries.” The struggle to
expand political representation
for women continues today, but
is made possible by the success of
past struggles.

I am angry at the frequency

with which demeaning comments
challenge
women’s
autonomy.

I am angry that one-fourth of
women on college campuses are
sexually assaulted. I am angry
that a judge granted Brock Turner
a lenient sentence based on the
ironic argument that, “A prison

sentence would have a severe
impact on him.”

Sexual violence is a persistent

problem in many ways, but we are
making progress in combatting it.
Sikkink presented a graph which
displays Sweden as the country
with the highest occurrence of
rape in the world. Until recently,
sexual violence wasn’t a public
issue. Efforts to monitor the
prevalence of sexual violence
weren’t prominent and data wasn’t
collected. Now, human rights
movements and women’s rights
organizations have successfully
demanded that sexual violence
become
a
public
issue,

necessitating
data
collection,

discussion
and
advocacy
for

change. Documentation of sexual
violence on college campuses,
in our country and around the
world, demonstrates a change in
public attitudes and priority given
to the issue. While sexual assault
statistics rightfully prompt anger,
they also inspire hope because an
open discussion has been sparked.

There is much work to be

done before we can stop being
angered by underrepresentation of
women in politics, by demeaning
comments made by college boys
and
presidential
candidates

and by the prevalence of sexual
violence. But just as anger is
necessary to motivate action, so is
an understanding of the successes
of advocacy. As we work toward
gender equality, let us not only
focus on frustratingly persistent
inequalities. We must also remain
hopeful for future progress by
remembering the successes of past
movements and the strength of
current advocacy.

Next time you find yourself

responding to a man that replaces
your name with “sugar tits,” be
angry enough to voice your anger,
and be hopeful that comments
such as these will become less
frequent as a strong feminist
movement continues to identify
and address gender inequalities.

Opinion
The Michigan Daily — michigandaily.com
4A — Monday, October 31, 2016

N

umerous
buildings

on
campus
honor

presidents who created

this
university,
including

Henry Tappan, James Angell,
Harlan
Hatcher,
Harold

Shapiro and James Duderstadt.
Others commemorate donors
including
William
Cook,

Horace
Rackham,
Stephen

Ross and Alfred Taubman.
More than a few are named for
coaches or athletic directors,
including Fielding Yost, Fritz
Crisler,
Ray
Fisher
and
Bo

Schemblecher.
Others
honor

faculty members such as Emil
Lorch and Mortimer Cooley. A
few buildings bear the names
of women including Stockwell
Hall honoring the first woman
to be admitted, Helen Newberry
Hall, wife of benefactor John
Newberry and Penny Stamps, a
graduate and donor.

A
student
or
professor

strolling our campus might
conclude that key figures in
the development and funding
of
this
institution
were

primarily men of European
origin. That may be the case,
but there is much more to the
story. For a century and a half,
women and people of color
have earned degrees here and
played a role in the University
of Michigan’s growth. And
many white men associated
with the University took then-
unpopular stands supporting
the rights of minorities. As
the University celebrates both
diversity and its bicentennial,
consideration
might
be

given
to
commemorating

women, minorities and those
who
promoted
equitable

opportunities.
Prominent

historical
markers
or

plaques might highlight the
accomplishments of some of
the following:

Father Gabriel Richard — A

key figure in the development
of Detroit, he joined with Chief
Justice Augusts Woodward to
establish the Catholepistimead
that became this University.
In 1817, the Chippewa, Ottawa
and
Potawatomi
surrendered

their land to Michigan territory
with an agreement that their
children be educated at the
schools in Detroit Father Richard
established. As a result, Michigan
Native Americans are exempt
from tuition at this university.

Amanda Sanford — became

the first woman to graduate
from the University’s medical
school in 1871. She furthered
her medical studies in London
and Paris and then practiced in
upstate New York.

Sarah
Wertman

She

graduated from the law school
in 1871 and became the first
woman in the United States
to both earn a legal degree
and be admitted to the bar in
Michigan. In that era, many
states refused to admit women
to the bar. She was an early
participant in the Equity Club,
the first national organization
of women lawyers and a group
founded in Ann Arbor.

William Henry Fitzbutler — In

1872, he became the first African
American to graduate from the
Medical School. He practiced
medicine
in
Louisville
and

obtained support from Kentucky
to establish a medical school that
would admit Blacks. He founded
and then served as head of the
National
Medical
College
in

Louisville, a school that graduated
150 Black physicians and was
praised in the Flexner Report.

Moses Fleetwood Walker —

While earning his law degree
here, he was the catcher for the
baseball team in 1882 hitting
.308. He played professional
baseball for six years and was
the last African American to play
for a minor league baseball team
until the 1940s.

Branch Rickey — He was

appointed baseball coach in 1910.
He earned a law degree in his
four years in Ann Arbor and then
became a distinguished baseball
executive. In the 1940s, baseball
was the national pastime. Branch
Rickey successfully overturned
Jim Crow policies when he
recruited Jackie Robinson to play
for the Brooklyn Dodgers in 1947.
This was among the important
changes of the post-World War
II that laid the foundation for the
Civil Rights Movement.

Jesse Owens — As a member

of the Ohio State track team,
Owens set three world records
— and tied one — within 45
minutes at Ferry Field on May
25, 1935. This feat was never
duplicated. His achievements
in the Berlin Olympics made
him the first African-American
athlete to be seen as a national
sports hero.

Raoul Wallenberg — This

Swedish student enrolled in
the architecture program at
Michigan in the 1930s. After

the Germans overran European
nations, they sought to incarcerate
Jews. Wallenberg is credited with
saving thousands of Hungarian
Jews during the Holocaust.

James Earl Jones — Jones,

from the Jackson area, came to
Michigan in the 1950s intending
to become a physician but
discovered his talents in the
performing arts. He enrolled
in the School of Music and
went on to became one of the
nation’s most acclaimed actors,
winning Tony Awards in 1969
and 1987 and a Golden Globe
Award in 1970.

Jessye Norman — She earned a

master’s degree from the School
of Music, Theater & Dance in
1968 and then went to Europe
to begin her illustrious career
as an opera singer and recitalist.
She has, perhaps, performed in
more operas and in more venues
than any of her peers and won
great accolades for her voice, her
theatrical accomplishments and
her philanthropy.

Madonna (Louise Ciccone) —

This artist enrolled as a student
in the School of Music, Theatre
& Dance in 1976. She left
Michigan shortly thereafter to
begin her extremely successful
career as a singer, actress,
composer and businesswoman.

Derek
Jeter

This

Kalamazoo resident enrolled as
a student in 1992 but then opted
for a career in professional
baseball. For 20 years, he was
the most talented and reliable
shortstop in the Major Leagues
while leading the New York
Yankees to the World Series
seven times.

Michigan historical markers

are permanent, highly visible and
easy to maintain. They provide
space for an explanation of the
person and could include a QR
where
additional
information

would
be
available.
Without

substantial cost or bureaucratic
effort, historical markers could
bring the diverse history of the
University of Michigan to the
attention of today’s students,
staff and visitors — and to those
who will be walking across this
campus in forthcoming centuries.

LAURA SCHINAGLE

Managing Editor

420 Maynard St.

Ann Arbor, MI 48109

tothedaily@michigandaily.com

Edited and managed by students at the University of Michigan since 1890.

SHOHAM GEVA

Editor in Chief

CLAIRE BRYAN

and REGAN DETWILER

Editorial Page Editors

Unsigned editorials reflect the official position of the Daily’s Editorial Board.

All other signed articles and illustrations represent solely the views of their authors.

Carolyn Ayaub
Claire Bryan

Regan Detwiler
Brett Graham
Caitlin Heenan
Jeremy Kaplan

Ben Keller
Minsoo Kim

Payton Luokkala

Kit Maher

Madeline Nowicki
Anna Polumbo-Levy

Jason Rowland

Lauren Schandevel

Kevin Sweitzer

Rebecca Tarnopol

Ashley Tjhung

Stephanie Trierweiler

EDITORIAL BOARD MEMBERS

E

arlier this month, the U.S.
Environmental Protection
Agency admitted it should

have acted seven months earlier
in the Flint water crisis, which
began in April 2014 and is ongoing.
Lead poisoning and outbreaks
of bacterial diseases following
the city’s switch to the Flint
River as its water source have
had lasting, irreversible impacts
to
human
health.
President

Obama has said, “I know that if
I was a parent up there, I would
be beside myself that my kids’
health could be at risk.”

Just before Fall Break, I tried to

defend a creative policy response
to the Flint water crisis to my Ford
School of Public Policy classmates.
The idea is simple: What if the
government paid residents to move
to healthier, more economically
viable
surrounding
cities,
in

addition to repairing the necessary
water infrastructure?

Before laying out the arguments

and evidence underpinning the
idea, I need to admit I quite clearly
failed to convince my classmates.
I pointed to research about
neighborhood effects, and how the
government routinely “nudges”
individuals
to
achieve
better

outcomes for themselves and their
communities. My arguments relied
on the belief that, as individuals,
we’re “rational economic agents,”
processing information well and
assigning prices (i.e., values) to
the everyday things in our lives.
To my classmates-turned-critics,
I failed to consider many of the
relationships, expectations and
principles that form a good life.

One complaint with the idea

was that justice requires much
more than our government writing
a check. Water is a basic human
right according to the U.N. Our
government has a responsibility to
meet basic water needs, and failed.
The government must right the
wrong on principle; questions of
cost-benefit or cost-effectiveness
are irrelevant. Another complaint
is that such a policy fails to respect

the rights of individuals, that
they’d be coerced into moving.

Perhaps the most damning

rejoinder is that such a policy
neglects, or fails to account for,
the value of personal experience,
communal connections and a
sense of home. At risk of stating
the obvious, where we are and
who we interact with influence
our happiness and satisfaction.
The fact that local stakeholders
have worked tirelessly in Flint
during the crisis demonstrates
the importance of these ties
and interactions to residents.
Furthermore,
even
if
the

amount paid to individuals
reflects this value, can we
really
be
confident
that

individuals
calculate
their

own values appropriately when
taking the cash? We’re all
guilty of wishful thinking and
acting irrationally.

My classmates were right

to be initially skeptical. But
the
reasons
supporting
the

rational, cost-benefit-calculating
economist’s
policy
are
also

intriguing. Here’s why:

Families
that
move
would

immediately get what they need
most: safe, reliable and unlimited
access to water. Their kids would
be in better schools immediately,
without
the
uncertainty
of

whether their school was safe,
or whether it might close in the
coming year. Flint’s schools are still
failing its students, according to a
lawsuit filed by the ACLU earlier
this month. And working parents
could enter a local economy with
better job prospects and pay.
Seminal work by Harvard and
University of California-Berkeley
economists have documented that
Flint, Genesee and Wayne County
have among the lowest levels
of economic opportunity and
mobility in Michigan.

Moving residents could help

rebuild their trust in institutions,
which is in short supply among
Flint residents after years of
environmental and institutional
racism. The New York Times
wrote earlier this month that
many of the first residents to have
the pipes to their homes replaced

continue to use bottled water,
even after being told the tap was
OK to use. Economic research
clearly links higher levels of trust
in institutions to more human
development and faster economic
growth. Paying residents to move
might help repair this damage.

Economic outcomes could also

be better in the long run, especially
for families with young children.
New evidence from the U.S.
Department of Housing and Urban
Development-sponsored Moving
to Opportunity experiment, a
longitudinal
program
starting

in 1994 that resettled residents
of poor communities in more
affluent areas, illuminates the
extent to which location affects
health and economic outcomes.
Individuals who moved before
their 13th birthday, as a result of
experimental treatment, earned
31
percent
more
than
their

counterparts who did not move.

It could also be cost effective.

President Obama is right in that,
“It’s not enough just to fix the
water.” The educational, health
and economic costs of the crisis
will be enormous. Dispersing
families
and
students
could

drive down the educational costs
associated with lead poisoning and
lost school hours. And the costs of
children falling behind in school,
even for those unaffected by lead
poisoning,
likely
dwarf
what

might be spent on infrastructure:
Students who have fallen behind
and fail to recover will likely earn
less on average each year than they
otherwise would have. This math
gets scary, quickly.

Questions about how the policy

could be introduced (e.g., when,
at what cost, and for whom) raise
other practical issues, drawbacks
and ethical concerns. I’d feel
entirely different about the idea if
it turned out certain demographic
groups
respond
adversely,
or

even less favorably, to moving to
opportunity. But don’t we owe
Flint residents ambitious, creative,
“moonshot”-like policy solutions?

A policy moonshot for Flint

ANTHONY COZART | OP-ED

Faith Cole is an LSA junior.

Bicentennial and diversity

REYNOLDS FARLEY | OP-ED

ANTHONY COZART

FAITH COLE

Anthony Cozart is a graduate

student in the Ford School

of Public Policy.

— Hillary Clinton speaking at a surprise press

conference in Iowa on Friday, regarding recent FBI

investigations into Anthony Weiner’s emails.



NOTABLE QUOTABLE

I have now seen Director Comey’s

letter to Congress. We are 11

days out from perhaps the most

important national election of our
lifetimes ... The American people
deserve full and complete facts

immediately. ”

REYNOLDS FARLEY

Women’s challenge to hope

FAITH COLE | OP-ED

Reynolds Farley is the Otis Dudley

Duncan Professor Emeritus in LSA, a

research scientist at the Population

Studies Center and currently

teaches courses about the history

and future of Detroit in the Ford

School of Public Policy.

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