Opinion The Michigan Daily — michigandaily.com 4A — Wednesday, September 28, 2016 MICHELLE SHENG | CONTACT MICHELLE AT SHENGMI@UMICH.EDU The truth about class LAUREN SCHANDEVEL | OP-ED B ear with me for this metaphor. Imagine you have two seeds. You plant one seed in a sunny patch of nutrient-rich soil and water it every day. You plant the other seed in a dark shed and neglect it for months. Not surprisingly, the first seed grows tall and healthy while the other does not. Can you attribute the success of the first seed or the failure of the second to any inherent quality? Of course not; you provided the conditions, which produced the results. Now imagine two children. One child grows up in a safe, affluent neighborhood and attends an excellent school, where they are encouraged to pursue their interests and given the resources necessary to do so. The other child grows up in a poverty-stricken neighborhood and attends a school with crumbling infrastructure, a poor student-to-teacher ratio and a shortage of even the most basic resources. The first child goes on to graduate from a renowned university and pursue a lucrative career that allows them to raise their children in an area similar to the one in which they grew up. The second child, on the other hand, does not graduate from high school and instead works a low-wage job and remains in their neighborhood, where they raise their children in precisely the same conditions. Can we attribute the success of the first child or the perceived failure of the second to any inherent quality? Of course not; as with the seeds, we provided the conditions, which produced the results. If the rationale of our metaphor holds, then why do we still operate under the assumption that one’s socioeconomic status is the product of one’s character? More specifically, why do we act as though poverty and wealth are deliberate choices, rather than phenomena created and perpetuated by a rigidly stratified class system? For decades, we have blissfully and collectively operated under the assumption that America is a fruitful meritocracy where all dreams, no matter how ambitious, can be achieved with just the right amount of hard work and determination. This is the foundation on which our country was built, and its blind optimism resonates today with the same magnitude that it did more than 200 years ago. Our country’s elite are lauded for their competence while our poor are degraded for their deficiencies, all while those of us making the observations remain grossly unaware of how exactly our system works to maintain these inequalities. Here is a bitter pill to swallow: America is an oligarchy in which a handful of (primarily wealthy and white) citizens inherit automatic and unlimited access to elite academic institutions, political influence and positions of power. Poor people and people of color are not left out because they do not have what it takes to thrive — they are left out because we never intended for them to thrive in the first place. Now you may be asking yourself: “What about all of those inspiring stories I’ve heard in which someone who comes from next to nothing manages to succeed despite all odds?” The answer lies within the question. These individuals are exceptions — not in the sense that they did not earn their success (if anything, they are especially deserving of it), but rather that their systemic disadvantage made the probability of their success far lesser than their more affluent counterparts. Nevertheless, the myth of the American Dream demands a sacrifice, and these individuals are subsequently tokenized and heralded as examples of the culmination of hard work and “pulling oneself up by the bootstraps.” We parade them in front of their communities as if to say: “You could achieve the same results, you just didn’t work hard enough.” So I’ll revisit the metaphor: If a seed grows in a dark room, is it viewed as a miracle or an expectation? Think about it. We are conditioned to believe that our every accomplishment is the product of our character alone rather than a combination of character and circumstance, of the resources we are given and the ways in which we utilize them. Not only does this mentality perpetuate the notion that the wealthy are inherently superior; it allows us to live comfortably in the presence of extreme poverty by blaming the poor for their own misfortunes. If we can confront our perceptions of class head-on, work diligently to undo our inherited biases and unite to strengthen and elevate one another in a way that is productive and decent, then we can successfully develop solutions to the flaws in our system that threaten to divide us. What are the consequences of allowing all of our seeds to grow in ideal conditions? Are we afraid some will crowd out others, that there is not enough sunlight and water to go around? Do we feel threatened by the prospect of equal opportunity? What will become of our garden? I’ll tell you what will happen: It will grow bigger and more beautiful than ever before. LAURA SCHINAGLE Managing Editor 420 Maynard St. Ann Arbor, MI 48109 tothedaily@michigandaily.com Edited and managed by students at the University of Michigan since 1890. SHOHAM GEVA Editor in Chief CLAIRE BRYAN and REGAN DETWILER Editorial Page Editors Unsigned editorials reflect the official position of the Daily’s Editorial Board. All other signed articles and illustrations represent solely the views of their authors. Carolyn Ayaub Claire Bryan Regan Detwiler Caitlin Heenan Jeremy Kaplan Ben Keller Minsoo Kim Payton Luokkala Kit Maher Madeline Nowicki Anna Polumbo-Levy Jason Rowland Lauren Schandevel Kevin Sweitzer Rebecca Tarnopol Ashley Tjhung Stephanie Trierweiler EDITORIAL BOARD MEMBERS Lauren Schandevel is an LSA sophomore. E arlier this year, George Will, the championed conservative columnist, announced he was leaving the Republican Party. “The long and the short of it is, as Ronald Reagan said when he changed his registration, I did not leave the Democratic Party, the Democratic Party left me,” Will responded to a shocked press. Reduced to an outsider within his own political family, Will evoked the father of modern conservatism to try and explain away his position. We, too, are distraught Republicans, and have both served on the executive board for the University of Michigan’s chapter of College Republicans in the past. But for us, supporting Donald Trump means abandoning our core principles of limited government, individual freedom and strong international leadership. Trump’s candidacy has left us and many other life-long Republicans with the vexing choice of voting for a candidate who is clearly unfit for the office or defying years of party loyalty. We believe in putting our nation over party identity. Nevertheless, not all of our Republican-minded friends feel the same way we do. Two weeks ago, UMCR officially endorsed Mr. Trump and announced its intention to partner with Trump’s national campaign. We respect UMCR’s decision to support Trump and its right to make that decision. If anything, the 2016 campaign has lacked the basic decency that should exist in any election — for the most part, voters’ opinions must be respected and left open for discussion. After all, if we expect any societal shift toward healthy debate to occur, then we must begin to ease the tense disapproval we place on those who oppose our personal viewpoints. But while we respect the decision, we cannot support it. As former UMCR members, we are writing this column to other students who may find themselves similarly caught in the awkward position between loyalty and voting according to what their conscience tells them. We urge you to do the latter. UMCR President Enrique Zalamea’s comment to the Michigan Review that “any Republican is better than Hillary Clinton” seems to exemplify many Republicans’ attitudes this election. But to us, it is far from clear that Mr. Trump can accurately be described as “Republican” in any way but nominally. His nomination was secured with about 56 percent of the popular vote in the primaries when just 14.8 percent of eligible voters participated — numbers that hardly imply the blessing of the party’s constituents. Trump has never held office as a Republican and has, in the past, actually donated to Clinton’s campaigns. And while we take issue with many of Clinton’s policy proposals and high-profile episodes of impropriety, we have major concerns about the long-term impact of a Trump presidency on the United States. Trump has spent months trying to convince voters to let him “make America great again,” but his policies would likely produce the opposite outcome. Trump blames both free trade agreements and low interest rates for the state of the economy — a state he seems to believe is much worse than it actually is. But dismantling the international trade laws that have governed peaceful global commerce since the end of World War II or raising interest rates prematurely risk throwing the U.S. economy into another recession. And despite an emphasis on national security, Trump threatens our country’s safety through incendiary remarks and feckless “policy” proposals that scapegoat entire ethnicities, nationalities and religions for failures of international governance and unintended consequences of war. Trump demonstrates an alarming misunderstanding of foreign affairs and heaps praise on dictators while admonishing prisoners of war. In August, 50 former senior security officials publicly declared their unwillingness to support Trump, a candidate who, in their view, put the entire country’s security “at risk.” Above all, Trump has transformed our once cherished, civil, issues-focused process of selecting elected officials into a sideshow circus scene bent on increasing entertainment value and spreading fear and anxiety throughout the public. The laundry list of concerns is seemingly unending: He poses a severe risk to global economic stability by way of his inexplicable comments on debt, trade, taxes and alliances; he exacerbates social tensions throughout the United States by pitting cultures and races against one another; his amateurish understanding of international conflicts and the rules of engagement are startling for a major presidential candidate; his overall vulgarity, crassness and egotism all affect his standing among world leaders and private American citizens alike, which hinders our ability to advance foreign and domestic interests. Disregarding these obvious red flags, endorsements of Trump consistently paint him as a change agent who will be restrained by a powerful team of advisers and cabinet members. Unfortunately, this optimistic view is only a fool’s paradise. If Mr. Trump chooses his cabinet as he has chosen his campaign team — which has included a former consultant to a Ukrainian autocrat and a man who was once charged with domestic violence — then the prospects for any sort of restraint are doomed. As for Trump’s role as a change agent, it is unfathomable to expect someone with zero political experience and a flagrant disregard for the truth or facts of any situation to bring about the type of change necessary to fix our country for the better. We need someone who can bring opposite sides together. Donald Trump cannot do this. We need someone with the mental fortitude to stick by their core policy beliefs and compromise when necessary. Donald Trump cannot do this. We need someone who will represent peace to our neighbors and diplomacy to those who oppose us. Donald Trump cannot do this. We need a proven, level-headed, open-minded individual who recognizes the principles that built this nation from nothing into a superpower. Who we need is categorically the antithesis of Donald Trump. The future looks considerably bleak for Republicans of our stripe. We still ascribe to the ideas that guided our party through the centuries, beginning with Lincoln, and we need candidates who will carry this tradition once again — Donald Trump will not. It is tough to be optimistic in such an uncertain and frustrating political climate. However, we cannot give up the efforts to ease the strangling tension within the country. Our goal now will be to move forward supporting responsible candidates with sensible policies, resisting the forces that seek to undo us. Victoria Noble is a columnist and Ben Keller is a senior opinion editor at The Michigan Daily. This November, vote nation over party VICTORIA NOBLE AND BEN KELLER | OP-ED A s a 3-year-old, I had a polarizing incident of accidental racism. We had been learning about Martin Luther King Jr. and the civil rights movement during Black History Month in preschool. So, when my dad ran into one of his close business colleagues (a longtime local civil rights leader) one day, I asked a poorly phrased albeit well- intentioned question for which I still feel guilt: “Dad, we’re supposed to be nice to Black people, right?” My parents believe firmly in racial equality, and my Jewish roots tie me in many ways to the civil rights movement (more on this later). My dad was so embarrassed. He apologized profusely to his friend and then made sure I understood that, of course, all people were to be treated with the same level of respect, regardless of their skin color. I shouldn’t have had to ask. Children’s minds are malleable. It was that easy to change the way I spoke about and understood race. *** Too often, I think, white people feel defensive when they’re called out for “white privilege.” Many feel they’re being guilted for something totally beyond their control. I get it. I’ve been there. “White” is such a broad word that doesn’t capture the wide swath of backgrounds it represents — the U.S. Census classifies “white” as “a person having origins in any of the original peoples of Europe, the Middle East, or North Africa.” As someone who is both culturally and religiously Jewish, my life of privilege growing up stems directly from the struggle of my people. My great-grandparents left the hardship and pogroms of Poland and Russia shortly before the Holocaust, and my grandfather grew up poor in Staten Island to immigrant parents who spoke Yiddish and alongside more traditionally American “white people” who beat him up for being a “dirty Jew.” Knowing my family story, and having awareness of the cyclical persecution of Jews over thousands of years, there was a time where I felt defensive about being called out for “white privilege” because I was reluctant to let my current societal standing supplant a much more complicated history that is such a big part of my identity. Ultimately, though, it’s important to understand that there is a difference between generalizing white culture (and its numerous ethnic, socioeconomic, etc. backgrounds) and recognizing that the mere appearance of whiteness is a safeguard in and of itself. We shouldn’t shy away from acknowledging “white privilege” — it exists. It is our responsibility, then, to be an ally to those whose voices aren’t as easily heard. We must employ our privilege to share their perspectives when they don’t have a platform to do so, until the time comes when that’s no longer necessary. This is admittedly easier said than done. *** My only excuse for my 3-year- old folly is innocent, accidental ignorance. However, that ignorance is something I was almost immediately coached out of, and it’s a mistake I revisit somewhat often, most recently after fliers that directly targeted people of color were posted in Mason Hall. One sheet explained “Why White Women Shouldn’t Date Black Men,” and another called for “Euro-Americans” to stop “apologizing,” “living in fear” and “denying your heritage.” “BE WHITE,” the latter read. There is no excuse for the fliers posted on our campus. There is no excuse for people who not only remain willfully and aggressively ignorant, but also encourage and espouse ignorance. Very rarely, if ever, do children ask if it is OK to “be nice to” a white person. I can’t imagine how my dad’s friend must have felt to hear a 3-year-old kid ask that. Very rarely, if ever, do white people sincerely fear for their lives when they get pulled over by a police officer. My parents don’t worry I’ll be killed if I’m caught running a stop sign. Very rarely, if ever, based on Intergroup Relations training I’ve done as a student at this University, do white people get asked where they’re “from, from” as if their home state must not be their place of official origin. If there’s one thing that I’d like people to learn from 3-year- old me, it’s that ignorance and insensitivity to others’ experiences can be overcome. A lesson I’ve picked up from my peers in the last few years regarding issues of identity, from race to religion to gender, is that it’s OK to feel uncomfortable, and it’s OK if you don’t know someone else’s life experiences — provided that you make an effort to educate yourself. Ask the questions you think might be stupid. Stumble upon a microaggression, but understand when someone reacts adversely and listen to them explain why what you’ve said is hurtful. Listen. Listen to others’ perspectives, and if you can’t empathize, sympathize. And when the time comes, spread your newfound knowledge to the people who stand where you once did. I want to be optimistic. My hypothesis is that ignorance sprouts from any combination of misunderstanding, resistance to change or even fear of that which seems unknown or different, and my hope is that we can help those with fear or even indifference in their hearts understand and acknowledge their unfounded biases in an effort to subvert even the most poisonous of thoughts. At a time when racial disparities in this country are so much more complex and nuanced than 50 years ago, yet simultaneously just as pronounced — and a time when racial and cultural division seems to be growing — it is important that people of all colors speak out and unite to work through our problems together. I believe in us. MICHAEL SUGERMAN | COLUMN Ignorance can be overcome Michael Sugerman can be reached at mrsugs@umich.edu. MICHAEL SUGERMAN