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February 22, 2016 - Image 4

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Opinion

SHOHAM GEVA
EDITOR IN CHIEF

CLAIRE BRYAN

AND REGAN DETWILER
EDITORIAL PAGE EDITORS

LAURA SCHINAGLE
MANAGING EDITOR

420 Maynard St.

Ann Arbor, MI 48109

tothedaily@michigandaily.com

Edited and managed by students at

the University of Michigan since 1890.

Unsigned editorials reflect the official position of the Daily’s editorial board.

All other signed articles and illustrations represent solely the views of their authors.

The Michigan Daily — michigandaily.com
4A — Monday, February 22, 2016

Claire Bryan, Regan Detwiler, Caitlin Heenan,

Jeremy Kaplan, Ben Keller, Minsoo Kim, Payton Luokkala,

Kit Maher, Madeline Nowicki, Anna Polumbo-Levy,
Jason Rowland, Lauren Schandevel, Melissa Scholke,

Kevin Sweitzer, Rebecca Tarnopol, Ashley Tjhung,

Stephanie Trierweiler, Hunter Zhao

EDITORIAL BOARD MEMBERS




— Pope Francis on Presidential candidate Donald Trump’s proposed immigration policies.


NOTABLE QUOTABLE

A person who only thinks about building walls,
wherever they may be, and not building bridges,

is not a Christian. This is not the gospel.

FROM THE DAILY

Democracy for Detroit schools

In response to mass protests by DPS teachers

and the Detroit Federation of Teachers lawsuit
against DPS, Darnell Earley, the city’s state-
appointed emergency manager, announced this
February he’ll leave the position Feb. 29. Earley
was also the emergency manager for the city
of Flint, a position from which he also resigned
without issuing any sort of public apology.
Furthermore, during his time in Detroit, Earley
has consistently not listened to residents. Earley
has criticized teachers who participated in sick-
outs. After pursuing the lawsuit, DFT has also
attempted to bring in its own health inspectors.
However, DPS officials stopped these inspectors
from entering all but one school building,
saying DFT’s inspectors would “complicate the
district’s efforts to fully comply with state and
local regulations.” Now state lawmakers are
considering legislation to provide funding and
revitalize the school district.

The trend of Snyder concentrating control

of the city’s poorest areas in the hands of the
unelected is unacceptable. Most alarming is
that in recent months, Snyder’s emergency
managers have essentially acted with impunity
while the populations they governed suffered.

That’s not to say that serious financial

reform like that which Detroit, Flint and others
are undergoing won’t come with sacrifices.
However, on the exterior, Detroit seems
like a city on the rise. New restaurants and
young residents have moved downtown. The
riverfront has been revitalized, a new hockey
stadium is in the works and the Detroit auto
show hit record-high attendance this past
January with more than 800,000 visitors, the
most it has seen in 12 years.

But an apparent contradiction lies in

investing whatever it takes to revive Detroit’s
urban core while ignoring the buildings
crumbling around its most vulnerable residents.
DPS teachers are the only ones doing anything
constructive to raise awareness, but are being
met with serious resistance. It’s easy to see why
teachers are frustrated with administrators,
especially because administrators are also
using funds that could be used to fix schools to
sue many of the teachers who have participated
in
sick-outs.
Their
reasoning:
Sick-out

protesters are depriving students of their right
to attend school, adversely impacting students’

academic progress, depriving students of their
breakfast and lunches, forcing parents and
non-striking DPS employees to miss work and
wasting taxpayer money.

Looking at photographs of the conditions

of Detroit schools’ buildings, it is obvious
that these conditions existed before the sick-
outs, and are only going to get worse unless
someone calls attention to them — which is
exactly what teachers accomplished in holding
sick-outs. Lack of administration funding for
instructional
materials
adversely
impacts

each student’s right to an education, and it’s
not a stretch of reason to conclude that a leaky
cafeteria roof might deprive students of safe,
healthy breakfasts and lunches.

The teachers participating in sick-outs

should be applauded for their dedication.
Earley and DPS officials should not be acting
against the teachers, but instead in conjunction
with them and DFT.

The
demographics
of
districts
with

appointed emergency managers must also
be called into question. Grosse Pointe, a
93.2-percent white town, is just 10 miles away
from the 82.7-percent African-American
Detroit, but its schools aren’t crumbling.
DPS has failed administratively to provide
adequate education for its students, but the
implications of socioeconomic status and race
cannot be ignored. The inequality between
public school systems — not just in Grosse
Pointe, but throughout the state — begs the
question: Why are some students afforded
top-notch instruction while others have to
settle for substandard education?

Emergency managers in both Flint and

Detroit were only accountable to numbers on
a spreadsheet, and never to the actual human
beings they governed. In the cases of Flint and
DPS, it seems Earley is failing to recognize
the tangible impacts his decisions are
having on human lives. Snyder and the DPS
administration need to realize that behind all
the debt, behind all the money and behind all
the problems are real students who deserve an
education. It is possible to make a difference
through kindness, empathy and compassion.
If the people in power can remember that
when they are making decisions, then Detroit
will be one step closer to revitalization.

Why I stopped listening to Kanye

M

y
hands
were
raised

toward the air, a sign of
praise to God. My head

was
lowered,

eyes closed, as
I
just
wanted

to soak in the
moment. I was
not at church,
but I felt like I
was taken there.
I was listening
to
“Ultralight

Beam,” the first
track of Kanye
West’s
new

album, The Life
of Pablo. West
described this new work as a gospel
album before its release, and while
listening to the first song, I believed
him. The choir roared through my
speakers and Chance The Rapper’s
verse gave me goose bumps. But as I
went through the songs in the rest of
the album, I found myself thinking,
Did Kanye really just say that? Kanye
West has always been known for
his over-the-top ego and critically
acclaimed music style. I am a fan of
his and honestly enjoy every song
on The Life of Pablo. But some of the
lyrics and his recent tweets have
been questionable, to say the least.

The nature of his words can’t just

be swept under the rug saying, “Oh,
that’s just Kanye.” We still listen to
the music, but we should no longer
view West as a role model or idol.

Fans can be caught in an awkward

middle ground when a celebrity or
anyone they admire messes up or
says something they don’t agree with.
I grew up a huge fan of Tiger Woods.
I wrote a report on him in fifth grade
because he paved the way for Black
and mixed people in golf and kicked
ass while doing it. He runs founda-
tions to promote golf with children
who live in the inner cities and his
Tiger Woods Learning Center has
five campuses across the United
States that teach college-access class-
es to underprivileged kids.

But when he announced on Feb.

19, 2010 that he cheated on his wife
with multiple women, I was 14. I was
upset, but quickly forgave him, prob-
ably because I had been a fan since I
could remember. I was just 14, and I
thought the good he did trumped his
mistake that he took ownership for.

There obviously is a difference

between cheating on your wife and
using controversial lyrics, but Woods
apologized and some have forgiven
him. West, on the other hand, has
continued using controversial lyrics

time and time again without remorse.
In his song “On Sight” from Yeezus,
he raps, “Soon as I pull up and park
the Benz / We get this bitch shaking
like Parkinson’s.” In the song “Blood
on the Leaves,” (also from Yeezus) he
compares sitting courtside across the
court from your wife at a basketball
game to apartheid.

West hasn’t apologized or owned

up to the controversy. He isn’t obli-
gated to, but he should. Because he
doesn’t take responsibility for what
he puts out there, we cannot respect
him for anything else but possibly his
musical talent. As listeners, we must
deliberate whether we want to sup-
port an artist who makes outrageous
claims or hurtful statements.

Much of the uproar about lyrics

on The Life of Pablo comes from two
separate bars, “I feel like me and Tay-
lor might still have sex / Why, I made
that bitch famous,” and “Do anybody
feel bad for Bill Cosby? Did he forget
the names like Steve Harvey?”

West defends the first lyric by say-

ing in a series of tweets, “First thing
is I’m an artist and as an artist I will
express how I feel with no censor-
ship. 2nd thing I asked my wife for
her blessings and she was cool with
it. 3rd thing I called Taylor and had
an hour long convo with her about
the line and she thought it was funny
and gave her blessings. 4th bitch is
an endearing term in hip hop like the
word n****.”

But Swift and her representatives

deny the claim wholeheartedly say-
ing, “She declined and cautioned him
about releasing a song with such a
strong misogynistic message. Taylor
was never made aware of the actual
lyric, ‘I made that bitch famous.’ ”

Because of West’s past use of lyr-

ics and the fact that he called Swift
“fake ass” backstage on SNL last
week, we cannot take his word.
And isn’t it weird, though he had
his wife’s blessing, that West talks
about having sex with another
woman while he is married?

And no, Kanye, I certainly don’t

feel bad for Bill Cosby. Dude, the song
was great until you said that. “Facts
(Charlie Heat Version)” is such a
great song to fire you up before an
exam or even to aggressively eat your
cereal, but when I heard that line,
my face shriveled up and I took out
my headphones. West has tweeted,
“BILL COSBY INNOCENT !!!!!!!!!!”
and Cosby is not. Too many women
have bravely stepped forward to say
that Cosby had assaulted or raped
them for anyone to think Cosby is
anything but guilty.

We can idolize characters or celeb-

rities, like Cosby was adored for his
television show and stand-up sets,
and when they make a mistake, we
may deny it or shrug it off. Of course,
depending on the severity of the
offense, we can accept apologies,
like in the case of Woods, or have our
opinions change permanently, like
with Cosby.

Kanye does not apologize for his

antics, but he does remain one step
ahead of those who criticize him.
In “Feedback,” he raps, “I can’t let
these people play me / Name one
genius that ain’t crazy.” Even the
apostle Paul, a writer of the Bible’s
New Testament — who the album
is named after according to West
— was perceived as more than out
there during his time. Kanye West
is crazy, but has reached new levels
of self-absorption and being com-
pletely unapologetic.

Paul wrote in Romans 12:2, “Do

not be conformed to this world, but
be transformed by the renewal of
your mind, that by testing you may
discern what is good and acceptable
and perfect.” This verse is difficult
to follow for any Christian. But it
put me in the mindset that some of
the things that West says are unac-
ceptable, and should not be taken
lightly because he hasn’t publicly
apologized for any of them, even if
he does internally regret some of
the things he has said.

Even West’s former songwriting

partner, Rhymefest, said that West
needs spiritual and mental help.
West’s narcissism has reached
a boiling point and it can put his
fans in a middle ground — at least
it has for me. In my opinion, his
music is excellent. But I’ve been
disappointed with his words. Even
if he may be joking, thus far, he
hasn’t indicated so.

Part of me wants to keep listen-

ing to The Life of Pablo, but at the
same time, I don’t think I can sup-
port West because of his words.
The album is great, filled with great
production, beats and also lyrics
that I enjoy.

But the bad has outweighed the

good for me, so I ripped off the Band-
Aid and I deleted it off my phone.

West and I agree on this: Only God

can judge him. I just choose not to
support his music anymore.

Kanye West can take us to church.

But his words can’t be taken as triv-
ial.

— Chris Crowder can be

reached at ccrowd@umich.edu.

CHRIS

CROWDER

T

oilet water falling from the ceiling, mushrooms sprouting
from the walls and black mold infestation are just some of the
conditions that students and teachers have had to face on a daily

basis in Detroit Public Schools. It is difficult to imagine that any city’s
residents would allow their elected officials to treat their children with
such indignity. But Detroit residents don’t even have the opportunity to
make that choice, because Gov. Rick Snyder (R) has utilized the state’s
financial emergency law to give a non-elected, state-appointed emergency
manager practically complete control over DPS affairs. The events that
have unfolded in recent weeks surrounding DPS are a reflection of a
larger trend within the state government: Too much power is being
concentrated in the hands of non-elected, state-appointed officials to the
detriment of Michigan citizens.

Lackadaisical language and “progressive” politics
T

hey might seem like empty
political talking points, but
the recent skirmishes over

who
or
what

is
a
Democrat

or
progressive

actually offer us
the opportunity
to
expand

our
political

discourse
and

redefine
the

spectrum
of

acceptable
political opinion.

In a town hall

last week, Hill-
ary Clinton once
again grossly paraphrased Bernie
Sanders’ criticisms of President
Barack Obama, alleging that Sanders
called the president “weak,” “flawed”
and so on. (Apparently, criticizing
the current president is unbecoming
of presidential candidates.) Clinton
ultimately suggested that “Senator
Sanders wasn’t really a Democrat
until he decided to run for president.”
The crowd responded with a mix of
boos and applause.

Though he caucuses with the

Democrats and supports many of
their legislative initiatives, as a mat-
ter of fact, Sanders was not a mem-
ber of the Democratic Party until he
decided to run for president. I don’t
see why Sanders’ status as an inde-
pendent or his willingness to criti-
cize President Obama should worry
us. In fact, it’s the reason many of us
support him. If Clinton’s criticism
here amounts to saying that Sanders
rejects establishment politics, she is
just knocking on the open door.

But let’s allow ourselves to briefly

play this language game of putting
names to politicians and policies
and see who falls in the categories
of Democrat or progressive. In 1963,
Sanders was being arrested at civil
rights rallies in Chicago. He also
participated in marches with Martin
Luther King Jr. In 1964, Clinton was
supporting Republican presidential
candidate Barry Goldwater, avowed
opponent to the civil rights move-
ment. Clinton would go on to work
for other Republicans, such as Ger-
ald Ford and Nelson Rockefeller. In

terms of partisanship, Clinton plain-
ly appears to be the least Democratic
(i.e. most Republican) of the two.

Though her husband was offi-

cially a Democrat, his critics have
often pointed out how his presidency
blurred the traditional lines between
our country’s two dominant par-
ties by supporting policies that were
highly conservative. For example,
Michelle
Alexander
frequently

talks about how the 1994 crime bill
extended and intensified Reagan’s
war on drugs, by pouring billions of
dollars into the destruction of Black
communities across the country.

These labels (Democrat, Republi-

can, progressive, conservative, etc.)
don’t literally mean what they used
to, as with most other labels in our
political discourse. Last I checked,
U.S. Republicans don’t believe in the
idea of the republic any more than
U.S. Democrats do. Liberals don’t
believe in open-handedness any
more than conservatives believe in
conserving anything. Libertarian-
ism in this country usually means
market fundamentalism (i.e. let-
ting a few people who control a vast
majority of the nation’s capital deter-
mine the lives of the less privileged)
instead of what it maybe once meant
(i.e. something closer to the Thore-
auvian notion that people ought to
determine their own destinies free
from the constraints of big govern-
ment and big commerce). Point being,
these terms either don’t denote much
of anything substantive, or their cur-
rent common usage has perverted
their old meaning into its opposite.
So let’s not worry too much about
how the mainstream media assigns
politicians these titles.

If the Sanders campaign ultimate-

ly does nothing else, it has forced
millions of people, who might not
otherwise be inclined, to reckon with
the true meaning of these terms. The
disagreement between Sanders and
Clinton over terms like “progres-
sive” represents a larger ideological
disagreement between the two. It is
a disagreement between liberals and
the New Left (beautifully embodied
in Ms. Nina Simone’s song, “Missis-
sippi Goddam”). It is a disagreement
today over fundamental political and

economic questions, like “Is corrup-
tion a symptom of Wall Street when
it’s not properly regulated, or is cor-
ruption inherent to its very struc-
ture?” and “Are health care and
college education luxuries, or are
they economic rights?” and “Should
the government serve the will of the
citizens, or just (to borrow a phrase) a
handful of billionaires?”

This contrast benefits people

whom, by watching CNN, ABC
nightly news, MSNBC, etc. before
the Sanders campaign, might not
otherwise have noticed that there
are other — and, in my view, more
compelling — visions of progress
than the liberal, pessimistic Obama-
Clinton vision. While the president
and Hillary Clinton say to go slow,
Sanders and Ms. Simone say that’s
what’s the trouble.

If we want to reinvest signifiers

like “progressive” with meaning and
efficacy, we should first avoid adopt-
ing their common usage. Instead,
we should critique this perverse
usage and appropriate these terms
according to our own purposes. In
other words, after overcoming our
cultural speech impediment, we
appropriate the term “progressive”
according to what we ourselves
declare progress to be.

In this postmodern era, when

the signifier has apparently lost all
connection with the signified, it’s
tempting to conclude that we have
no hope of using language effective-
ly (especially political language).
But this conclusion overlooks the
fact that words have the meaning
that we invest in them in order to
serve our individual and commu-
nal interests and concerns. Inves-
tigating the meaning of words not
only improves our ability to com-
municate; it improves our ability to
think, expanding our political hori-
zons beyond the binary of liberal
and conservative and into a whole
field of potential political opinion,
which might include socialism, to
anarcho-syndicalism, to #Black-
LivesMatter. That’d be what I’d call
progress.

— Zak Witus can be reached

at zakwitus@umich.edu.

ZAK

WITUS

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