4A - The Michigan Daily - Monday, November 27, 1995 420 Maynard Street MICHAEL ROSENBERG Ann Arbor, MI 48109 Editor in Chief Edited and managed by JULIE BECKER students at the JAMES M. NASH University of Michigan Editorial Page Editors Unless otherwise noted, unsigned editorials reflect the opinion of a majority of the Daily's editorial board. All other articles, letters, and cartoons do not necessarily reflect the opinion of The Michigan Daily. o trings attached New leadership mstitute free of 1Y control ULiE BECKER ON THE RECORD Politicalcorrectives perpetuate the myth ofa secular Chnistmas he recent merger of the Leadership 2017 series with the Michigan Leadership Institute is a healthy step from University dominance toward an impartial body in stu- dent leadership training. A program that was once fraught with questionable University motives is now moving toward becoming a program at least somewhat in students' best interests - albeit not completely. The Michigan Leadership Institute, re- sponsible for the summer Leadershape pro- gram, was founded in 1992. Its funds derive from a variety of sources, including corpora- tions, Michigan athletics, the College of En- gineering and the Division of Student Af- fairs. Although Student Affairs funds the organization in part, MLI is not a service of the division. Referring to the ownership of the program, one member described it as a "floating" organization in the University com- munity, with no real base. On the other hand, Leadership 2017, an- other summer leadership-training program, has come under fire from many sides as a pawn of Vice President for Student Affairs Maureen A. Hartford. Criticism has centered on the fact that the University pays its hand- picked "student leaders" to participate. This has left some to wonder if the University is more interested in creating loyal servants than strong leaders. Transferring responsi- bility for Leadership 2017 to a more impar- tial body alleviates many troubling concerns about the program, since group members are searching for more non-University means to help fund the Leadership 2017 program this year. The Michigan Leadership Institute is run by a board of directors. As its funds are well dispersed, so too is its leadership. Though Hartford and Debra Moriarty of the Division of Student Affairs sit on the board, there are also representatives from the College of En- gineering, Proctor and Gamble Inc. and the Athletic Department as well as students and University alumni. The board recently de- cided to include another student, who will be appointed by the Michigan Student Assem- bly. The composition of the board dilutes the influence of the Division of Student Affairs, greatly curbing the threat of undue influence. To take part in the Leadershape confer- ence, would-be participants must complete an application open to all students. The Michi- gan Leadership Institute also has invited stu- dent leaders on its own -another move that has sparked controversy. The institute's ex- pressed goal in these selections was to reach out to leaders of groups that directly impact University students. While the intent is noble, as long as Student Affairs plays a large part in the operation of MLI, the University's image of handpicking "leaders" persists. Until this summer's Leadership 2017 is completed, no one can be sure where most of the program's funds will come from, or how participants will be selected. This transfer of power should be the first step toward unbi- ased student leadership training. However, students should watch the progression of this organization carefully. It may well be that Student Affairs is trying to shift responsibil- ity, but retain power. O ne year when I was in high school, my friends got me a tabletop Christmas tree as a surprise gift. They each found individual ornaments, hung them on the tree they had bought and presented me with the whole thing on the last day of school before vacation. I took it home, beaming, to show my parents. My mother tolerated it through the vaca- tion. On New Year's Day, she banished it to the basement. The next year, she refused to let me bring it out again, precipitating a loud argument between the two of us. She won; I fumed. But soon after that, on my own, I threw it away. I spent most of my childhood pretending that being Jewish didn't get in the way of celebrating Christmas. I would light the Hanukkah candles, then go out caroling with my friends. I wore red and green and adorned my locker with decorations - nonsectar- ian, of course. What was wrong with a few bells? The politically correct answer is noth- ing, because in a politically correct world, the time that began for us this weekend is not the Christmas season. It is the "holiday sea- son." Politically correct cards no longer say "Merry Christmas," they say "Season's Greetings." Holly, tinsel and red bows are not Christmas decorations, they are "sea- sonal ornaments." As long as it doesn't have a manger on it, it's fine. Right. Problem is, this is not a politically correct world. And I wouldn't want it to be. Neither, I'd venture, would those with Mary and Joseph on their front lawns. They cel- ebrate the Christmas season precisely be- cause of Christmas - a holiday that has everything to do with faith and nothing to do with being "seasonal." If celebrated hon- estly, Christmas is not secular. It is a very Christian holiday. And because it is a Christian holiday, non-Christians cannot honestly celebrate it. I came partway to this realization during my first year in the dorm, as I watched the Santas sprouting on my neighbors' doors. Wanting to do something to show similar good cheer, I made a "Happy Hanukkah" banner to hang across my door. It was the perfect compro- mise, I figured - I was still in the spirit of the season, but I was celebrating my own holiday. Right. Problem is, my own holiday doesn't involve pretty door banners. Many of us have tried this - over the years, in response to the frenetic displays of Christ- mas decorations, Jews have developed our own little parallel industry. We trade in crepe paper dreidels and shiny plastic menorahs, proclaiming to all the world that we, too, have holiday spirit. We do not need to do this. When we do, we are buying into the myth - the one that says you have to act like a Christian to be accepted as a Jew. It's OK if we call our holidays different things, it's OK if we go to church on Saturday instead of Sunday, as long as we believe the same basic things. It's OK if our decorations are blue and silver instead of red and green, as long as our houses aren't bare. Right. Problem is, we don't need to buy into the myth. I grew up the only Jew in school, and for a long time, I thought being Jewish meant being Christian,just with slight variations. It took coming here to make me realize that being Jewish specifically means being not Christian. It is not even a question of faith, of whom I worship, or when or where or how. It is a question of identity. I am Jewish because I could not, and would not, be anything else. There are a lot of people who would blur the distinction, arguing that the difference does not have to make a difference. They are the ones who hang the holly in stores, be- cause it's in the "holiday spirit," and we all celebrate a holiday. They are the ones who address objections by pointing out my free- dom to hang my paper dreidels. I don't want to hang dreidels, and I don't want to blur the distinction. For a long time, I thought being Jewish meant you felt much the same way Christians did, but just had a lot less fun. For a long time, I tried to celebrate Christmas in the "Jewish" way - it wasn't quite as fun, but it was some- thing. I no longer celebrate Christmas, the Chris- tian or the Jewish way. I celebrate Hanuk- kah, and I celebrate it as Jew, and nothing else. And it's really all I need, after all. - Julie Becker can be reached over e-mail atjhb@umich.edu. JIM LASSER SHARP AS TOAST WRON G! HE DEBAN SLAU/-U4TEIRING NATIVE AMERICANS IN IL 92 LETS SE, IN i99 . - ____SCORE POORLY IN .w~oy~wy~i' HSTORY... . NOTABLE QUOTABLE 'Get some.' - Motto depicted on the Sheik condoms banner, flown over Michigan Stadium at Saturday 's Ohio State game Keeping the peace U.S. must play part in enforcing Bosnia pact Cynics who witnessed the large-scale demonstrations this weekend in Sarajevo may be tempted to draw a now-familiar con- clusion: Another Bosnian peace accord is splitting apart at the seams, with bloodshed sure to follow. Many members of Congress count themselves among the cynics, ready to slam the brakes on President Clinton's ambi- tious plan to enforce the Dayton peace agree- ment reached last week. With U.S. lawmak- ers set to begin deliberations this week on the deployment of U.S. troops in Bosnia, now is no time for congressional cold feet on com- mitting the United States to a peaceful settle- ment of the Balkan conflict. The Dayton agreement was no payoff to any combatant. It partitions Bosnia largely along military lines, giving each side roughly the amount of territory it won in more than three years of fighting. After a determined Croatian counteroffensive that helped even the score militarily, conditions were ripe for a lasting peace agreement. Many previous accords failed because they tried to enforce a division of territory inconsistent with each side's military gains. The peace plan also preserves a united Sarajevo under control of the majority-Mus- lim Bosnian government. Serbs had wanted to carve up Sarajevo and its suburbs-which would only have served to perpetuate Serbian military conquests. Some of the 120,000 eth- nic Serbs who now live in Sarajevo suburbs have already taken to the streets in protest of the Dayton accord, calling it a sellout. The demonstrations are sure to increase pressure on Bosnian Serb leader Radovan Karadzic, who very reluctantly accepted the terms of the peace agreement. Karadzic is under in- dictment from the International War Crimes Tribunal in The Hague and, under the Day- ton accord, may not hold elective office. The accord deferred to war criminals by not re- quiring signatory governments to hand them over for trial. The United States and NATO should keep close watch on Karadzic and his partisans: The Serb leader is no friend of peace, and should be brought swiftly to jus- tice if he continues to defy international law. Unfortunately, many lawmakers would rather have no place in Bosnia at all. Some in Congress - fuming that President Clinton committed U.S. troops to Bosnia without their approval-would like to halt the peace- keeping operation, even as 2,000 American troops arrive in Bosnia this week. The dem- onstrations in metropolitan Sarajevo may add grist to isolationist mills, but they need not obstruct America's long-standing goal in Bosnia: implementing a solution to the ex- traordinarily vicious ethnic war that has con- sumed the republic. Many Bosnian demon- strators no doubt would like to see a return to the all's-fair-in-war mentality that has given the Serbs cover for their crimes. Clinton and Congress must stick by their guns, figura- tively and literally, to enforce the Dayton peace accord. With prospects of peace brighter than ever, Congress should not be deterred from executing the Dayton pact by as-yet-peace- ful demonstrations in Sarajevo. If skittish lawmakers still need an excuse not to deploy U.S. troops, perhaps they ought to consider the consequences: a loss of prestige for NATO, a weakening of the U.S. role abroad and, most agonizingly, a continuation of the ethnic carnage in once-peaceful Bosnia. TWENTY-FIVE YEARS AGO IN THE DAIY What are women trying to liberate? Editor's note: This viewpoint ran on Wednesday, Nov. 18, 1970. By Ron Landsman Women have it tough. Given as much education as men today, they are inhibited from using it. Taught that they are sexu- ally free, they still carry the bur- den of error. Urged to be more than bearers of children and life- mates of men, they are punished for trying. All of which is very unfortu- nate, to say the least. But from these first problems to start prattling about male con- spiracies and how cruel we all are is like blaming poor white pre- Civil War Alabama sharecrop- pers for slavery, or the sons of the working class conscripted into the Army for the Vietnam War. Wrongs these all are, but who is guilty, if anyone? In a recent column, Managing Editor Judy Sarasohn trotted out the standard lines for what was ostensibly a classic women's lib attack on male chauvinism. The column was basically a utopian plea for men to be nice, a complaint that life is difficult and a grasping out for what to do about it all. The reader was first set up with (or put off by) the usual cliches - "support of sisters," "cleared my head," "my body, womanhood, the true beauty of love, "repressed and unnatural women who have died or who are living in estranged bodies" and so on. Stock phrases. Rhetoric. In- competent sophistry. Daily editors seem to take a pleasure in writing for their fa- vorite cliques, using the standard phrases that indicate membership code - as much as men do. And if women passed those laws, would they be any better? At least Sarasohn should find the right fault - that the laws in question are essentially wrong no matter who passed them or how, and the simple fact that men were the agents doesn't mean that men conspired to oppress women. Again: "A woman's own up- bringing does not provide the strength to withstand the pres- sure to guide her family by the corporation of men who dictate what kind of entertaining must be done in the name of 'your husband's career,' how she must time before she casts off the rep- resentations that taught her to want to be feminine and loved, or there is in fact such a thing as femininity and a distinctly femi- nine set of emotions. Sarasohn is kind to tell us it is the latter. She wants woman to be at once both feminine, in women's terms, and capable, in man's terms. But if women do have these special features, a special emo- tionality, special feelings, what were all the conspiring men do- ing earlier to make women good mates, mindless, obedient, etc.? Isn't there at least a grain of rea- tropolises of millions of inhabit- ants. Man has outsmarted himself. Among the changes he must cope with are the new relations be- tween men and women. The idea of putting women in the roles they currently occupy did not burst full-grown from the minds of Sarasohn's corporation men. It is a problem oflong gestation and rich growth that will not be solved by casting blame, especially in- accurate blame. Sarasohn ignored that particu- lar part of the problem, preferring the easier rhetoric of one segment of women's lib. But the rhetoric The simple fact that men were agents doesn't mean that men conspired to oppress women. dress and behave and how she must bring up their children (the right school and the right ambi- tions)." I suppose corporation men have done all that. God knows they've done damn near every- thing else. But what are the Organization Men? Aren't men at least as pro- grammed and controlled by out- lawed social forces? Aren't the sons of factory workers pro- grammed to be factory workers and clerks? The catalogue of who gets repressed and socialized by whom is longer than Sarasohn or I would want to recount. Agreed, women are socialized to play inferior roles. But it is a bit more complex than a cabal of corporation men plotting furi- ously away in their plush confer- ence rooms in the offices of GM, Unilever and Royal Dutch Shell. son in the situation Sarasohn de- scribes - don't the corporation men then call upon some instinct or desire in women that is innate? Implicitly, Sarasohn's answer is yes. Therein lies the problem. Women are different, physically, emotionally, caught in a cruel bind between a genetic history that made them different from men and spawned a social system that encouraged these differences, and a contemporary technology that shows them they can be a man's equal. It is not only the paradox of genetics and technology. The na- ked carnivorous hunting ape was not raised to fight with guns and bombs. The genetically pro- grammed inhibitors of intra-spe- cies aggression don't work when you can kill from 200 yards or 2,000 miles away. Civilized man was just a cover for her real mes- sage, taken from Matthew 5:3. Men, Sarasohn says once or twice, are men. They suffer from a stereotype that won't just let them be "people" or "persons. "We must learn new defini- tions so that women can truly be women, and men can truly be people," she concluded her opus. Men are not people, she im- plies, because they are taught to hide their emotions and be tough. While women today have the options of being weepy females or hard bitches, men have no choice but to be cruel, tough, un- feeling nonpersons - men. Her column, thus, was not an argument for the liberation of women, but for the liberation of the meek, a plea for the timid against the strong and the fearful against the brave. Ifthe Sarasohn thus envisions How TO CONTACT THEM President Bill Clinton The White House