4A - The Michigan Daily - Monday, November 13, 1995 1 (Thle ICxcl 'tg ut at7iv JULiuE BECKER ON THE RECORD 420 Maynard Street Ann Arbor, MI 48109 Edited and managed by students at the university of Michigan MICHAEL ROSENBERG Editor in Chief JULIE BECKER JAMES M. NASH Editorial Page Editors Thie next 'U' leader She should be more than another emptysuzit .nkss otherwise noted, unsigned editorials reflect the opinion of a majority of the Daily's editorial board. All other articles, letters, and cartoons do not necessarily reflect the opinion of The Michigan Daily. Mi Ic ahigan for MSA Party is richest with ideas, ambition L eaders of the Michigan Party want to frame this week's election of Michigan Student Assembly representatives as a mid- term progress report on their accomplish- mients. In truth, the election is about much more than that. The Michigan Party candi- dates should not ride the coattails of Presi- dent Flint Wainess and Vice President Sam Goodstein, but deserve to win on their own merits. The party, while burdened by a top- heavy mentality, is by far the most dynamic force in the student government. Five parties are fielding candidates in this week's election. Two of them - the Truth & Equal Action Party and the United People's Coalition - can be dismissed quickly. The TEA Party, in slating candidates for presi- dent and vice president last spring, presented itself as the party of the first-year student. TEA leaders and current candidates David Valazzi and Micah Frankel are older but politically not much wiser than they were then. They pledge to listen to all students before tak- ing action, a noble ideal that. fails to substitute for their lack of knowledge on campus issues. The UPC suffers from a simi- lardeficitofperspective: Its platform is based solely on minority representation and cul- tural awareness. These issues are important, but represent only one part of what MSA can and should accomplish. The Wolverine Party returns to the MSA ballot with a set of nuts-and-bolts issues similar to the ones it proposed last spring. But while the Wolverine Party ran proven stu- dent leaders for president and vice president in the spring, only one current Wolverine Party candidate stands out. Andy Schor, the assembly's federal lobbyist, has worked tire- lessly lobbying lawmakers to preserve stu- dent financial aid. He has cooperated with members of other parties to present a united front on this vital issue. He deserves to be elected to the assembly. The Wolverine Party as a whole, how- ever, presents itself as an opposition alliance, listing its e-mail address as "fixmsa." An emergent political force with many construc- tive ideas, the Wolverine Party is more effec- tive setting and reaching specific goals than if would be overhauling the entire assembly. The Students' Party, currently the sec- ond-biggest faction on MSA, is fielding the largest group of candidates. Unlike the Wol- verine Party, the Students' Party has posi- itined itself comfortably as MSA's opposi- tiori party. It has never had to lead MSA, a fact evidenced by its dearth of ideas and hidebound party structure. Lacking a leader, Students' Party members say they reach all decisions by consensus and lead by mobiliz- ingfthe student body. Pressed on his party's biggest goal in the year ahead, LSA Rep. Jonathan Freeman answered "getting people dut to vote (in MSA elections) and getting people to believe in their student govern- meni." A worthy goal, but not a platform. In fact, the petty bickering of some Students' Party members has done more to harm that goal than further it. The Michigan Party, by contrast, has most forcefully articulated a platform of general principles and defined objectives. Its fall position statement is the most comprehen- sive of any party's. Since its founding in 1993, it has been the most effective party to lead the assembly in recent memory. Under Michigan Party leadership, the assembly has won a non-voting representative to the Uni- versity Board of Regents. At the urging of MSA and other constituents, the regents voted to scrap the old code of non-academic con- duct. The party leaders' budget proposal passed MSA virtually unscathed. Wainess played a major role in forming a health-care proposal for students. Less tangibly, MSA has reaped immeasurable advances in its public image, which has helped the student government lobby on students' behalf. Of the Michigan Party's hodgepodge of candidates, two merit special recognition. Fiona Rose, who defected from the Students' Party this fall, very effectively heads MSA's External Relations Commission. Like the Wolverine Party's Schor, she has lobbied lawmakers extensively on student aid. Al- though only a sophomore, Rose has earned the respect of colleagues through her intelli- gence and devotion to the job. James Liggins Jr. has taken a leadership role as an advocate for multiculturalism and mi- nority interests, backing his / words with action. His po- sitions have reflected a genuine concern for his constituents, not a blind de- votion to the party. The rest of the Michigan Party slate abounds with new blood, hinting at enthusi- asm mixed with inexperience. It is question- able whether Michigan Party representatives will reach their potential. The party platform reflects a tendency to rest on its leaders' laurels. For the most part, the achievements of the past year owe to the efforts of Wainess and Goodstein. Although their maverick lead- ership has split the assembly internally, it has enhanced MSA's stature. Michigan Party members have quarreled publicly with Wainess over his eagerness to compromise with University administrators over the lan- guage of the proposed Code of Student Con- duct. Wainess has played fast and loose with the assembly's weekly meetings, going so far as to cancel meetings over 10-minute delays in convening them. As a result, truly important MSA business gets done behind closed doors. Wainess and Goodstein - outsiders el- evated to the party's top posts - have es- tranged themselves from much of the assembly's rank and file, including members of their own party. Their heavy-handed lead- ership, while troubling, is not wholly incon- sistent with Michigan Party tradition. Party leaders - from President Craig Greenberg and Vice President Brian Kight in 1993 to Wainess and Goodstein today - have been zealous to the point of overbearing. But they have accomplished much. With the Students' Party unfocused and the Wol- verine Party politically immature, the Michi- gan Party is most capable of leading MSA. However, its slate has holes and should not be elected in its entirety. The Wolverine Party's Schor deserves a seat, as does Susan Ratcliffe, a Music junior running as an inde- pendent. Ratcliffe has been particularly re- sponsive to her constituents, many of them North Campus residents who have been cut off from MSA. She has been a vigorous campaigner for campus safety, an issue of particular urgency on North Campus. Michigan Party candidates should neither inherit the accomplishments nor be judged on the faults of their leaders. Evaluated on their own qualities, the Michigan Party can- didates are not overwhelming favorites, but they are best prepared to keep moving the assembly forward. n 1988, students at Gallaudet University, the world's only liberal arts college for deaf people, rose up in a massive protest when their board of trustees selected a hear- ing person to be the university's next presi- dent. The students shut down the campus, demanding that the new president resign and the board choose a deaf candidate instead. They were successful: Within a week, the trustees capitulated and selected the university's first deaf leader. That same year, James J. Duderstadt be- gan his term as president of the University of Michigan. And now, as the University Board of Regents prepares to choose his successor, the Gallaudet events of 1988 keep coming to my mind. The regents plan to hold a series of forums on campus, to gather input on what people would like to see in the next Univer- sity president. For me, the answer is easy. I want the new president to be a woman. People will attack me for this. I am a feminazi, they will say. I support quotas, they will say. I don't want the most qualified person, they will say. Of course I do. There are essential quali- ties in a University president that have noth- ing to do with gender. And if it came down to, say, a man who supported student rights and a woman who showed the potential to be a dictator, that wouldn't be a very difficult choice. But there are also important attributes that have everything to do with gender. It isn't about the day-to-day operations of the president's office; speaking, fund-raising and delegating are mostly gender-neutral activities. It isn't even about agenda-setting. There are women who feel little or no re- sponsibility to the advancement of other females, while current President James J. Duderstadt, with his 18-month-old Agenda for Women, has done better in that depart- ment than any of his predecessors. It is about symbols. Historians of the Gallaudet protest marvel at its successful mobilization on such a seemingly mundane issue: "On a daily basis," writes one pair of authors, "it makes little difference to stu- dents who the university president is." The reason the protest gained so much support, they argue, was its symbolic value: an end to hearing people's oppression of the deaf. It's a little different here at the Univer- sity. Only half the students are women, and I would hesitate to call myself "oppressed." I wouldn't hesitate to say that watching the parade of men stand up to speak for me and my school can get a little frustrating. It says quite a bit that one of the nation's premier universities, one whose undergraduate popu- lation is just under 50 percent female, cur- rently has only one woman serving as an executive officer. You can watch Vice Presi- dent for Student Affairs Maureen A. Hart- ford during regents meetings, sitting among the other vice presidents' suit-and-tie lineup. You wonder if she feels different. It is about role models. There is a profes- sor here whose classes my female friends and I all have taken at some point, and we all look up to her - not simply as a good teacher, but as a woman who represents what we might like to be someday. In her office hours, I once asked this professor to tell me how she'd gotten to where she was, and what it was like to be a female in academia. She was generous with both her information and her time - a precious com- modity among female professors. They are notoriously overburdened with commit- ments, precisely because so many female students seek them out as mentors. Having a female president would not change that, nor would it put an end to the boys'-club mentality that pervades some - not all, but some - of University life. It would, however, be yet another symbol that women are a force at the University, that the glass ceiling can be cracked after all. The traditional argument against affir- mative action claims that it favors women and minorities at the expense of qualified white male candidates. The fault in this logic comes with the phrase "at the expense of." Affirmative action is not about victimizing qualified candidates; it is about choosing among them. Finding a female University- president would not require seeking out a capable person from a pool of women. It would mean selecting a woman from a pool of capable applicants. She's out there, this symbol, this role model, this next University president. She. can't be too hard to find. All we have to do' is look for her. - Julie Becker can be reached over e- mail atjhb@umich.edu. 3 JIM LASSER 'HAT1 fEfaND$ ME! THE BEATlhE§ ARE GETVENC HAEK ThC-'ETHEK, t. HARPAS TOAST - e - - .. ..^--. q ~ar r"- NOTABLE QUOTABLE I am eager to work at a more thoughtful pace, with fewer artistic compromises.' - Calvin and Hobbes creator Bill Watterson, who will retire Dec. 31 ..- . - ijr-- +. "- r ... '"" 1 . ' 4r- sLgk 0v VIEWPOINT Turn around - the code is watching you By Patience Atkin Very few people, it seems, know what the University's code of non-academic conduct is. Of those people, the number who care is even smaller. They only hear rumors of code debates between MSA candidates, or of an occasional protest on the Diag. Students may see an article in a campus publication, but they skim it, dismissing it as just another code piece. There are reasons why these debates take place, why these pieces are written. They are rea- sons that every student on cam- pus should know, because the current Statement of Student Rights and Responsibilities does affect every student. These rea- sons stem from fundamental flaws in the structure and administra- tion of the code. In its current form, the code's power extends 30 miles off campus. If a student does something in Ypsilanti, Whitmore Lake or even the parking lot of Metro Airport that is punishable under the code, that student can be suspended or brought before the judicial adviser. The University's Orwellian approach to governing students' actions is frightening. Students say that when they agreed to come to the University, they didn't Atkin is an RCjunior and a member of the Daily editorial page staff agree to have the University moni- tor their social lives. As a matter of fact, under the code, that is exactly what they agreed to. It is also ironic that a univer- sity that prides itself on teaching responsibility to its students is concerning itself with the activi- ties of students 30 miles off cam- pus. It might even be humorous if it weren't happening here. The procedures for investi- gating the charges and trying a student charged under the code are unfair. The accused student is not allowed to call witnesses to testify on his or her behalf, but the person who brought the charge against the student may call as many witnesses as is deemed ap- propriate by the judicial adviser. Neither party may be represented by an attorney. A student may be advised, quietly, throughout the proceedings by an attorney, but the attorney may not speak in "court." When two of the most funda- mental rights allowed in the court system - the right to an attorney and the right to call witnesses in your behalf - are denied by a university during "judicial" pro- ceedings, the fairness and valid- ity of the proceedings are neces- sarily called into question. The danger of a legally inexperienced student being falsely sanctioned is far too great. ® The possibilities of using the code for purposes other than maintaining a safe campus are infinite. Student A doesn't like Teaching Assistant X, so A charges X with sexual harassment under the code. X cannot call witnesses on his behalf. X can appeal the judicial board's deci- sion, but if the appeal fails, X is out of luck. A second appeal can only be made if the civil or crimi- nal court acquits X on the same charges - except there isn't enough evidence to even bring civil or criminal charges against X. This case would most likely be thrown out of a U.S. court, but the University prefers to opt for a system based on the British courts, placing the burden of proof on the accused instead of the accusing party. U There is only one person in charge of most of the hearing process. The judicial adviser is responsible for conducting the preliminary investigation, inter- viewing both parties and wit- nesses, deciding whether to pro- ceed with a hearing, and training the students and faculty on the judicial board in matters of due process. Giving one person, however well-intentioned he or she may be, responsibility for many of the fundamentals of a student's case is unsettling at best. Seldom at the University is one person alone entrusted with so many decisions affecting students - in fact, the bureaucracy at the University is legendary. It would be to the University's credit to establish a Judicial Advisory Board to handle code procedures. When the sub- ject at hand is the future of a student, one person's involve- ment is not sufficient. Many students will argue that the code does not affect their daily lives, and that there are too many other things to worry about. Those students are right - it doesn't, and there are. The reason students should be aware of the flaws of the code is because the code could affect their lives. Its flawed procedures could result in a student's suspension or expulsion. This alone should scare students out of their apathy. The code is asridiculous at- tempt to govern students. It in- fringes on the civil liberties of students, and it does not provide an adequate means of conducting investigations or hearings. Student debates on issues of objective morality, civil liberties and responsibility of governing bodies occur every day in politi- cal science and philosophy classes. They apply lofty prin- ciples to abstract ideas, which mean very little until they can be applied to an actual situation. Now students face such a situ- ation. To treat the code as some- body else's problem or merely an academic concern ignores the very real danger it presents. Stu- dents must educate themselves on the principles of the code and be aware of the revisions that are occurring every week. How TO CONTACT THEM U Iniyareitu Dvaeindan* It l I flfdarctadt LETTERS Blacks must help themselves WHAT'S AFFECTING 'U' THIS WEEK To the Daily: In the 4 same way Koreans,