SUNDAY MAGAZINE CV4C 411't'&r4A>tn :43attil FEATURE SECTION Sunday, March 25, 1956 THE MICHIGAN DAILY Page One LAO0 Merger Created a Labor Symbol - Not an Economic and Political Power IN ELECTION YEAR, A LOOK AT AN IMPORTANT VOTING GROUP By WILLIAM HABER Professor of Economics TO THE surprise of most experts, the American Federation of Labor and the Congress of Industrial Organizations have merged. The headline writers now desig- nate the merged group as the "giant labor federation"; others call attention to the increased danger of labor monopoly threatening the freedom of our competi- tive economy. Many see the theat of political control by organized labor's 17 to 18 million members, These fears suggest that with labor's coming-of-age, an increasing number of critical questions are being asked about the merger, labor power and labor poi- tics. Merger THE ACTUAL MERGER of the A.F.L. and C.LO. surprised many students of labor organizations in the United States. 'While the logic of the merger was long apparent. the conflicting jurisdictional claims of the rival unions appeared to be irreconcilable. The eighty-five year history of the A F.L. seemed to confirm the belief that competitive jurisdictional issues between the unions associated with the C.I.O. and those with the A.F.L. would have to be resolved before a genuine merger could take place. Rival union claims for jurisdiction and for members, have in the past not been easily resolved. Quite the contrary, these claims have been stubbornly defended and compromises have been difficult to achieve. In addition, the personal politi- cal fate of some union leaders was also at stake. That the meyaser took place without a settlement of conflicting claims suggests that the real problem of unity of Ameri- can organized labor is still to be achieved. What took place is, in fact, only an amal- gamation of the two top federations. Had true labor unity been insisted upon, at this time, there would probably have been no merger. The merger took place only because the power structure of Amer- ican labor organizations was not dis- turbed. The real centers of economic power in the American labor movement were never located in the A.F.L. or in the C.I.O. These federations have performed an important coordinating role-they have acted as spokesmen for organized labor. rhey have represented the national unions in legislative and lobbying activities. The real seat of power was always located in the affiliated national organizations. It is these unions who carry on collective bar- gaining, control the more than 77,000 local labor unions, and often sway the economic fortunes of major industries. Effective unity among American Trade unions cannot be achieved only by a merger at the top. When the rival unions in our major areas of economic activities consolid te, the objectives of a merger will be achieved Power O BE SURE, the merger of the A.F.L. and the C.I.O. is likely to mitigate jurisdictional rivalries among many of the unions. The "no raiding pact," work- ed out some years before the merger was accomplished, may avoid the more trou- blesome of such disputes, In addition, the rival unions now members of the same was before the merger, a voluntary federation, will be subjected to greater association of its autonomous unions. moral suasion to settle their difference It is not a great trust. It cannot call without open warfare. strikes. It does not carry on collective It is well to remember, however, that bargaining. Its 15 million members the affiliated unions consider them- represent a symbol and not a group selves as sovereign and autonomous. subject to direction and control. In their major activities they are not This should not suggest that the merger subject to direction or control of the is without significance. The new A.F.L.- National Federation. Even expulsion from C.LO. represents the largest single organi- the Federation usually fails to carry any nation of citizens in the United States. sort of sanction which adversely affects Its very size is bound to encourage the and economic gains among unions has not always been for the public good. THE very size of the new federation should compel a greater degree of labor responsibility. American union leadership knows that as a people, w are suspicious of bigness, whether it be government, big business, or big unions. These leaders also know that the Ameri- can community is middle-class minded and that prevailing public opinion is not pro-labor. This awareness suggests that the new federation will have to be careful in its pronouncements and its pro- grams if it is not to incur public dis- approval. The emphasis already given to "keeping labor's house in order" indicates that the leaders of the federation are sensitive to public opinion. By its conduct, the federation must convince that its very size is not likely to be an impediment to the efficient working of our competitive and demo- cratic society. Politics IN THE past twenty years American labor has become increasingly more active on the political scene. Both the C.I.O. and the A.F.L. brought into being political action units, financed and cam- paigned for favorite candidates. Will the merger produce a higher tempo of politi- cal action? Will it lead to greater political power? To an independent political labor party? Everyone is agreed that it will not lead to an independent labor party on the British pattern. There is nothing in Amer- ican political experience which suggests that such a step would be successful or is desirable. Quite the contrary-independ- ent political action by labor with a labor- sponsored candidate does not fit the American political environment. It has failed before. Our experience suggests that the Amer- ican community does not vote on class lines; that the same trade union members who may accept the union's view as to what is good on the job front will reject its views as to what is good for the com- munity. As a result, candidates with a labor label are seldom successful. The threat of "labor domination" in the political sphere unites the rest of the community against the labor candi- date. Labor leaders understand these historical facts. MOREOVER, the American primary system makes an independent politi- cal party unnecessary. Organized labor can influence the selection of candidates by an active participation in the primary election within the two-party system. It is in this area that we are likely to see an intensification of labor political activi- ties. Whether labor's influence will be suc- cessful will depend on several factors. The level of employment and economic condi- tions generally will have an important in- fluence. The general community reaction to big labor and its behavior will also be important. In general, the prediction that we are on the threshold of a phe- nomenal increase of labor political power appears to me to be greatly exaggerated, In brief, it seems to me that the impor- tance of the merger of the A.F.L.-C.I.O. has been very much overstated. The new organization has symbolic rather than economic or political significance. the economic position of the expelled union. John Lewis's United Mine Workers, for example, has not been a member of the A.F.L. for many years and is not now a member of the A.F.L.-C.I.O. Other unions, at one time or another, have resigned or been suspended without apparent ill ef- fects on their fortunes. Thus, the mere coupling of the names A.F.L. and C.I.O. and the combining of their membership may create a psycho- logical sort of unity enhancing the status and sense of importance of the trade union movement. It does not, however, create a potent labor federation. The new federation has no power in an eco- nomic sense. The power centers remain in the national unions where they have always been. The Federation still remains, as It affiliated unions and give them a new sense of importance and bigness. The new Federation may also be in a position to provide moral support and to give technical assistance. In time it may succeed in organizing employees not now members of labor unions, thus increasing the membership of the affiliated unions, THE DANGER OF organization depends upon one's point or view. To those who consider unions and collective bargaining an evil, perhaps a necessary evil, any enlargement of organized labor's pres- tige and position is undesirable. Those who consider trade unions as essential and desirable institution in our private enterprise economy see in the merger potential public good. For one thing, it should reduce irritat- ing and often costly inter-union contro- versies. Competition, for members, position