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Caribbean

Y, JULY 25, 1959

NIGHT EDITOR: THOMAS HAYDEN


Global Viewpoint
Of ;world, Problems

By THOMAS TURNER
SAN JUAN, P.R. - The Western
world will probably never know
what Nikita Khrushchev thought
of the Polish industry and agricul-
ture he saw this week, but to this
observer they seemed extremely
backward.
During my six-week stay in Po-
land last summer (with The Ex-
periment in International Living)
I toured an auto company, an elec-
tric light company, and a collective
farm.
Zerlan iron works, outside War-
saw, is the home of the Warszawa
(Warsaw) car. The Russians man-
ufactured this car for several
years, patterning it after'a Plym-
duth. Then the dies were sold or
given to Poland.
Our first stop in the auto works
was in the foundry. There alumi-
nunt parts were being cast. We saw

a number of women seated at ta-
bles cleaning flash off these cast-
ings with handflles.
* ,
THE ASSEMBLY - ROOM fea-
tured parts hanging from overhead
conveyors in best Detroit fashion,
but the assembly line wasn't mov-
ing. The paint-sprayers were pro-
ducing only green and blue.
In the prototype shop, we saw a
road-tested "Syrena" (named for
the mermaid symbol of Warsaw),
and a wooden form used in making
the prototype. The first Syrena
still hasn't come of! the assembly
line.
Then across the street from the
factory we sat down for an inter-
view with the chairman of the
piant's Workers' Council.
The council, we were told, su-
pervises changes in the factory-
the workers are in effect "stock-
holdeia."

They can call a strikei
needed, he said in answ
quesVon. One was called a
fore, over low wages an
c ease'in the norms.
These was work-stoppa
day in one department."
said, "they didn't win thei
(At this point member
group started questioning
reports that the Party
trade unions had takent
councils.)
S* *
THERE IS A hierarch
councils, he said. A pres
elected to meet weekly, bu
sessions with the whole
present are held on impoi
sues.
There is no legal prop
union or Party members
councils, he said. There
put on having the counci
sent production workers.'

Carousel
if one is percent of all members are in pro- TI
wer to a duction, he said). twice
year be- Candidates are nominated at feren
d an in- meetings of the whole department, try."
he said, with. one-third of those (I
.ge for a nominated being elected. from
"No," he The chairman is not paid, he years
ir point." said-only secretary-treasurer is a the
's of our paid position, to c
to verify Then he explained that his was justi
and the not a representative workers' coun- grou
over the cil but an advanced type (there are not a
50 in Poland) called a Workers' how.
Self-Government. No central or- tive
y in the ganization links these self-govern- meni
sidium is ments, he claimed. were
t plenary A Self-Government can set pay- lost;
council scales, while workers' councils govej
rtant is- must follow a national pattern. perce
The state determines the prod- dend
ortion of ucts' selling price, while the fac- Sel
s in the tory sets the wholesale price. This sive
is stress price is*roughly cost plus 5 per- meni
ils repre- cent picfit, to be split quarterly by andc

IE MARKET PRICE is nearly
, the wholesale price-the dif-
nce goes to "the whole coun-
was told the price went up
80,000 zlotys to 120,000 a few
s back-legal rate 24 zlotys to
dollar, black market rate 100
ie-and that this move .was
fled by the state on the
rnds that the Warszawa was
a mass-consumption item any-
This seemed a rather nega-
approach.) This self-govern-
t had been very successful, we
told. Before 1956 the factory
money. Three years of self-
Lnment have raised wages 30
ent, not counting the divi-
s.
lf-Government has the deci-
power in accepting manage-
t nominations from the state,
can also nominate on its own.
meone then asked "What if
nominations aren't acceptable
;e state?" No direct answer
obtained.
anagers must be college-edu-
d engineers, he said. The Self-
ernment can change managers.

[E WORLD is too dangerous for anything
but the truth and too small for anything
brotherhood, A. Powell Davies once re-
'ked, and theoretically, at' least, his idea
ns fairly plausible.
:an has reached a curious and breathtaking
od in his continuum: he hat mastered a
iber of the universe's destructive and terri-
g'elements, but has failed to harness him-
With the mysterious forces in his hands,
could without trouble bury human history,
er thermo-nuclear char. Thus as Davis
cated, if man wishes to preserve himself,
ought to hold truth above falsehood, and
Atice love rather than hatred..
ut society unfortunately has not taken the
uum to heart. Instead, it has grotesquely
ted Davies' words to say that anything in
world is less dangerous than truth. And it
be added that some people are too small,
anything resembling brotherhood. They are,
id in all segments of American society, in-
ling the field loosely termed "partisan poli-
RTISAN POLITICS has managed to achieve
something of an ugly connotation, which
ot wholly undeserved. Partisanship has its
7 manifestations: the sacrifice of ethics for
es, hypocritical and watered-down: views
cch offend as few as possible, the seeking
lory for the self. These are only a few.
ut partisanship has its place in what Amer-
is blindly call the free, or open, society. It
b society where no individual or group al-
s dominates, 'where plurality flourishes,
,e power units contervail and balance each
er. Partisanship assures points (plural) of
r, balance, argument, criticism, inquiry.
n other words, partisanship sometimes slips
nean depths, but is a valuable instrument
I democracy. However, it ultimately faces a
ad guilt, a guilt which might be classified as.
Y potential. It involves an option: America
Y either utilize its enormous capacities to
: a vision of the truth of things, and to
d world brotherhood, or it may neglect its
nan possibilities and,tragically impale itself
n a lance of petty selfishness, and the
est sort of partisanship.
WE ARE TO retain partisanship and still
chieve our potential, then a line must be

drawn. When it comes to major problems-
world poverty, discrimination, illiteracy, war-
the petty' form of partisan behavior should
give way.
Chester Bowles stated the need nicely this
week when he said American partisan politics
should develop a "global view." The greatest
struggle; he pointed out, is not between the
United States and Russia, but rather between
those' who believe in the dignity of man and
those who would make the individual subser-
vient to the state.
Although he might deny it, Bowles must be.
classified as fundamentally non-partisan, al-
though -a Democrat by party affiliation. Such a
man can usually be called partisan, voting with
his party on most issues; but on the basics his
viewpoint sheds the necessary (and sometimes
healthy) "narrowness" of partisanship, and
becomes "global."
1 INFORTUNATELY, Bowles' attitude is not
shared by enough politicians and citizens.
N' wy, as he noted, have an inane "demon the-
ory": the theory that occasionally someone like
Kaiser Wilhelm, or Hitler, or Mussolini, raises'
an ugly stir which can eventually solved by
keeping bad people back of the Rhine, or by
drawing similar lines called Bahgdad Pact, or
SEATO, or NATO.
After subduing the demon, the American.
isolationist returns to the security of the Mid-
west, knowing that eventually he will have to,
draw another line, but hoping it won't be too
soon. Bowles correctly analyzes this as dan-
gerous, and offers the proper antidote: "We're
going to have to join, the world in a big way."
-Our strength depends not only one barriers and
. ICBM's but in our relations with the other 95
per cent of the world,
Here partisanship can be disastrous and a
"global" view is a necessity. This is a lesson
politicians might well learn, and so might the
members of the Institute in 'Practical Partisan
Politics whom Bowles addressed. At critical
junctures, Americans must learn to transcend
party lines and see problems in the framework
of the world. Unless they do, the future of
American politics, or better, America itself,
is not especially hopeful:
-THOMAS HAYDEN

(Over 50

seniority.

So
'then
to t]
was
Ma
cated
Gov

MARKET PLACE-An old Polish woman sits on a curbstone in
Gdansk (Danzig), the cauliflowers she is selling spread out on the
pavement aroungd her. Other goods are being sold in the background.

VISITORS-A group of peasant women in a little Polish railroad
station gather near the traeks. Most of them have come to visit the
Shrine of the Black Madonna, Patroness of Poland.

INTERPRETING THE NEWS:
Khrushchev and the Enigma of Poland


TODAY AND TOMORROW:
Cuba and Communism

By J. M. ROBERTS
Associated Press News Analyst
WJHEN NIKITA Khrushchev last
visited Poland, in 1956, bear-
ing the threat of armed invasion
similar to the one he carried out
in Hungary about the same time,
even the Communists didn't wel-
come him with fiowes.
He was fighting then to prevent
Poland from turning toward the.
Yugoslav road of independent
Communism.
The flowers with which he was
greeted on his current visit are a
symbol of the enigma which Polish
politics now presents to the world.
From independent Communism
the Warsaw regime has now been
converted to a coexistence which
4ometimes seems rather warm,
though Western estimates of true
Polish feelings are such as to keep
their relations warmer than with
any other Communist bloc nation,
too.
THE ENIgMA lies in whether
the Gomulka government is doing
as it wishes, or as it feels it must.
There is no question, either, that
have more freedom than in 1955,
in religion, in speech, and in the
literary fields.
There is no question, either that
the government is carefully watch-
ing to see that no one goes too far.
One reason for Poland's posture
of coexistence, willing or forced,
is a fear which has been height-

ened as West Germany has re-,
armed and during the talk about
German reunification. Poland is
constantly worried about the ter-
ritory in her west which formerly
belonged to Germany.
Another great fear in Poland is
among the peasants. They are less
changed in their ways than those
of other satellites. But greater
'production is needed, and farm
production is one of Khrtshchev's
preoccupations. Loss of peasant in-

dependence may be just around
the corner.
* * *
IF KHRUSHCHEV'S visit has
enhanced the enigma of Poland,
it has also added to the enigma
of Khrushchev.
The Soviet Premier, the dic-,
tator, one of the most powerful
men in the world, caused some
eyebrow lifting recently by his ob-
streperous language in.an inter-
view with Averell Harriman. There
were sounds like megalomania.

Recently he was described as
"babbling" during part of one of
his tour speeches,
It is a medical fact that bab-
bling of the type described some-
times follows a slight stroke.
Later Khrushchev was reported
back in normal form.
He said the Soviet Union would
never start 'a war with anybody.
Previously he threatened to use
force, at Berlin.
Normal form, physically and
orally, at any rate.


* * *
ONE AFTERNOON we visited a
state-runcollective farm south of
Warsaw near Wilanow, palace of
King Jan Sobieski, who defeated
the Turks at Vienna.
The collective, 1,100 acres, had
once belonged to the King, and un-
til 1945 was all owned by a single
landlord.
The landlord's two daughters
survive, our guide told us, but de-
rive no profits from the expropri-
ated land.
We were shown fields of wheat
and corn, growing on either side
of the road, The collective, (or
PG. as it is called to differenti-
ate from private cooperatives) gets
31 quintals to the hectare (2,750
pounds to the acre) of wheat, the
guide said, with the field in ques-
tion yielding 36. He listed other
yields for us.
"I don't believe it," a Polish biol-
ogist in our group said promptly.
"There should be more rye than
wheat."
ABOUT THIS TIME the PGR
manager arrived. He wore jodh-
purs, well-polished riding boots,
and a jaunty cap, and carried a
mountain - climbing stick with
plaques from different resorts.
Poles and Americans alike agreed
he looked the picture of a feudal
landlord.
We were taken past a building
site where barn walls were being
poured in forms-the only time
we saw such a method used in Po-
land.
.The manager had provided us
with board-seats across the nar-
row bed, horse-drawn farm wag-
ons. From 'this vantage point we
saw the grain-fields, orchards and
vegetable gardens of the PGR.
We were taken to see housing
for the- permanent workers. Most
was barracks-type, segregated by
sex. But some little brick houses
were going up, and we were al-
lowed to look inside.
We found them unplastered, ill-
lit an-1 over-crowded - where all
the iembers of both familiesrslept
I'll never know.
Leaving' the farm, we had a
worker riding with us on the wag-

CAPITAL COMMENTARY:
Breaking from the Gate
By WILLIAM S. WHITE


SHORTLY AFTER Castro brought his revolu-
tion to power in Cuba,' the Governor of
?uerto Rico, Mr. Munoz-Marin, came up to
Washington. He came to give us advice which
Le was pre-eminently qualified to do. For he
tad been carrying through successfully a peace-
ble revolution in his own country, he had the
ersona.l confidence of the Cuban revolution-
sts, and he was and is our very great friend.
Even then, at the beginning, he foresaw the
roubles in Cuba, the stubborn difficulties
gainst which the revolution was waged and
vhich it then inherited, the inexperience and
he emotional instability of its fighting leaders.
Whatever you do, he said in effect, do not
et yourselves become enemies of this revolu-
ion. For this revolution is the real thing. It is
tot a mere change 'of the guard at the top as
s so common in Latin America. This is a
opular revolution of the sort which, more
;han thirty years Iago, Mexico went. through,
nd after years of blood and tears brought to
happy ending.
[T REQUIRES great skill to manage our rela-
tions with a revolution of this character in
country which, is such a very near neighbor.,
Ve have to find ways of reconciling our politi-
al and economic interests with 'a revolution
which cannot be stabilized until the chief griev-
.nces which produced the revolution have been
edressed. This can be managed only if the
Lnerican Ambassador is Havana can work out
relationship with the revolutionary leaders
a which they will listen to him, and even seek
is advice and his help.
There is good reason to say that we have such
n Ambassador in Havana, one who 4is capable
f carrying out such a delicate mission, who
.as, one might say, "good hands" when he rides.
ut, of course, he has no chance whatever of
uicceeding if Congress is going to roughhouse
cur relations with Cuba, as did 'the Internal
ecurity Sub-Committee of the Senate just the'
ther day. This was when it provided a plat-
orm and loudspeakers for a disaffected Cuban
dventurer to dehounce the Cuban revolution-
ts as Communists. This country, as the Presi-
Editorial Staff

lUTER LIPPMANN
dent was quick to point out, "has made no such
charges." But the damage done by the Sub-'
Committee's irresponsible meddling may not be
repaired easily or quickly,
THE POLICY which we are following yin Cuba
is to avoid a break with Castro and to seek
more contact with him. This policy is the pro-
duct of years of experience in our relations with
the other American states. There is no alterna-
tive to it, given the fact thatwe -have most,
solemnly renounced the right of intervention
to suppress a revolution. In this century, we
have committed ourselves repeatedly and wholly
to the principle that each country in this hemi-
sphere has the right of self-determination. This
carries with it inseparably the right of revolu-
tion, and imposes upon us the obligation to,live
with the revolutions, when they occur, as best
we can.
Beneath these large generalizations and ab-
stractions, there is the substantial fact that in
this century, which is seeing the awakening of
the submerged masses of mankind, the old
style of imperialism and overlordship is not
only morally unacceptable bnt is practically im-
possible. To put it specifically and bluntly, the
Uniited States'could not install a puppet to gov-
ern Cuba in place of Castro and his revolution-
ists. The United States must, therefore, do what
it can to keep on good terms with Dr. Castro
and 'his successors.
THERE ARE THOSE who think differently.
They see Castro going far to the left in the
company of a number of fellow-travelers of the
Communists. They think the way to deal with
what they see is to desounce the fellow-travelers
as Communists, even as Soviet agents, and to
denounce Castro who tolerates and associates
with fellow-travelers as himself a fellow-travel-
er and virtually a Communist. What good will
it do, I would like to know? The result of such
tactics will not be to cause Castro and the
fellow-travelers to abandon their revolutionary
program. It will be to cause them to regard us
as their enemy, and to become as thoroughly
anti-American as they dare to be.
The wiser course and the more practical one
is to be patient and relaxed-to remember that
Cuba is our near neighbor and is far beyond
the reach of the Soviet Union. Remembering
this, we can rely ultimately on the high im-
probability that Cuba will drift or be pushed
and pulled into the Soviet orbit.

W ASHINGTON - Vice - Presi-
dent Richard M. Nixon will
soon quicken to a gallop his pres-
ently cantering pace in his race
for the 1960 Presidential nomina-
tion.
The Nixon people are preparing
for the Vice-President an autumn
itinerary of appearances at im-
portant points around the coun-
try which will have a peculiarly
critical quality. It will not, of
course, be billed as a pre-Presi-
dential tour; but that is what it
is intended to be.
The set purpose is to get Mr.

Nixon into fast motion early and
with a frankness that is unusual
for a year ahead of national con-
vention time. The aim issthis: To
frighten to the rail and clear off
the course any dark horse that
might be named Rockefeller.
** *
TO ABANDON the horsy meta-
phors so dear to politicians (and
political writers), the Nixon peo-
ple now really hope to win the
contest this year, in all but form,
rather than next. They believe:
1) That any polite hanging-
back by Mr. Nixon, in deference
to the tradition that no one must

"Listen.- Stereo phonic Sound"
-y
*,1
A2
V x4

admit early that he really would
like to be President, would be
quite foolish this time.
2) That current events and cir-
cumstances have put the Vice-
President in a position' of great
relative strength. Now is the time,
they reckon, to begin to exploit
that strength with no nonsense.
It is not only the public-opinion
polls that are currently making
Mr. Nixon look good to many Re-
publicans. There are also these
things
His increasing importance in
foreign policy, as evidence by his
current mission to Moscow.
His very useful relations with
a Republican National Commit-
tee that is "neutral" - neutral,
that is, for Richard M. Nixon.
HIS ASSOCIATION with the
generally successful "economy"
drive.
The wider understanding of him
being created by reporter Earl'
Mazo's excellent and thoroughly
responsible biography, "Richard
Nixon." The book 'is no syrupy
campaign document. But pre-
cisely because it is honest, it
necessarily highlights the Vice-
President's best quality, his com-
petence, though not hiding his
worst, his occasional partisan sav-
agery.
THE NIXON MEN in many
cases are the, same men whose
choice in 1952, the late Senator
Robert A. Taft, went down be-
fore General Eisenhower in the
Presidential convention. Among
their painful memories is an
awareness- that they waited too
late to push Taft all-out. No such
histake will be made this time,
not even in the South, where GOP
convention votes are often worth
more than GOP votes in the elec-
tion.
Indeed, some senior Nixon as-
sociates see the South as his area,
of greatest potential danger at
the convention, simply because
that region has been aided so long
by Rockefeller family benefac-

FARM WORKER
. .. but not enough,
on. He was hired for the summer,
he said, and paid a wage well un-
der the' national average. And in'
wirnter, he said, he couldn't get
another job,,and his family had no
income at all.
THE TRAGEDY of modern Po-
land is .that the breadbasket of
Eastern Europe between the wars
must now import considerable
amounts of food. And the Indus-
tries the Communists have intro-
l37nA.. fl r.- mf. rrnl- wf3 - . fm. ein