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' Te Mousetrap'
Lacks Imtpact

ditorials printed in The Michigan Daily express the individual opinions of staff writers
or the editors. This must be noted in all reprints.
ZSDAY, JULY 24, 1958 NIGHT EDITOR: EDWARD GERULDSEN
enators Snore While World uzzes

FOR a fitful but fairly faithful Agatha Christi reader, the presen-
tation of her latest play, "The Mousetrap," at the Lydia Men-
delssohn Theatre last night was a real event.
Mis Christi's work has intrigued us as a manifestation of British
wit (her delineation of "types" is often in the best tradition of Eng-
lish satire) and of the changing tenor of English social developments.
Her early works usually concern exotic people in exotic settings (two
of our favorites were set in Mesopotamia and Egypt), as well as in-
genious and exotic methods of doing people in and finding out who
did it and how.
Last night's play, however, dealt with austerity England - ration
books, a rather grand house from which the grandeur has faded, and
people who have rather come down in the world. Miss Christi's quota
of bodies and methods of producing them are considerably more aus-

'HE CONSISTENCY displayed by certain
members of the Senate can be described
ly as amazing.
[t would seem only logical that in view ofl
ssia's economic offensive and her success
expanding her sphere of influence through
onomic aid, the United States should be more
an willing to meet the challenge and oppose
e Reds with currency instead of atomic I
apons that we're afraid to use.
But unfortunately, one must not expect cer-
n Senators to be logical . . . they're too
sy being consistent to their dangerously out-1
bed view of a big world with big oceans that
.1 protect a "Fortress America."
The Vanishing

YESTERDAY, as the world still echoed to the
noise of Marines landing in Lebanon, the
result of complete bankruptcy in our foreign
policy, the "honorable" Sen. Homer E. Cape-
hart (R-Ind) and Sen. John W. Bricker (R-
Ohio) remained true to their isolationistic
ideals, if nothing else, and opposed a Senate
resolution recognizing "the desirability of pro-
moting a greater degree of international de-
velopment by means of multilateral loans."
Oh well, it's nice to know that in a changing
world, some people and some attitudes manage
to remain the same.
--MICHAEL KRAFT
Co-Editor
Newspapers
T HROUGH an arrangement designed to es-
cape the intervention of the Anti-Trust
Division of. the United States Department of
Justice, Times-Picayune plans to combine the

tere also - only one murder on stagei
and that was a prosaic case' of
strangulation.

at the very end of the first half,

(Ierblock Is on Vacation)
WASHINGTON MERRY-GO-ROUND-
U.S. forced To TwistArms
By DREW PEARSON

ROM NEW ORLEANS comes more evidence
that the number of newspapers in the
ited States is becoming inversely proportion-
to total newspaper circulation.
[t seems inconceivable that the one com-
rcial enterprise which, more than any other,,
s been responsible for the physical and
ntal propagation of the nation should now,
the nation blooms, go into an estivation
riod, not limited to summer.
[ronically, more people read newspapers
an ever before. But they read the same news-
per, because it is the only one in their city
d more people read morning and, evening
pers with the same editorial policy because
th publications have the same publisher.
There are no competing newspapers in 1,364
rierican cities and in 142 communities, the
)rning and evening editions are under the
mne ownership. New Orleans is destined to
.n the ranks by Sept. 15, unless, an invest-'
ent of $3,400,000 is made. Last week, the New
-leans Item was sold to the Times-Picayune
tblishing Company, publishers of the New
.leans Times-Picayune and State.

r

Item with the States.

THE TREND towards consolidation, is noth-
ing new and perhaps is even more evident
in other fields, such as the automobile indus-
try. But it perhaps began becoming alarming
in the newspaper business back in 1931 when
the New York Herald was combined with the
Telegram over the "dead bodies" of the World's
staff members. The death of the "newspaper-
man's newspaper" emphasized the trend to-
wards merging as a means of wiping out com-
petition.
Previously this was often accomplished
through circulation wars, with each paper try-
ing to out-scoop, out-write and under-sell the
opposition. But now, rising costs and less
money in the hands of fewer publishers seems
to be accomplishing the same thing.
Meanwhile, back in New Orleans, another
newspaper is for sale.
-JUDY DONER

TODAY AND .TOMORROW:
c ~NeutralizeLebanon

WASHINGTON -The American
public doesn't know it, but all
last weekend and early this week
there has been more diplomatic
arm-twisting, more table-pound-
ing, and more due bills collected by
Amnerican diplomats at the United
Nations than at any other time in
American history. The arm-twist-
ing has been to drum up a two-
thirdssvote in theGeneral As-
sembly to get a UN police force
to take over for the Marines and
thus get the United States off the
hook and off the beaches in Leb-
anon.
The UN vote-getting has not
been easy.
Here is how some of the one-
time friends and allies of the Unit-
ed States have reacted:
In Latin America - Argentina,
Brazil, Chile, Venezuela, and Mex-
ico have been cool. They argued
privately that the Good-Neighbor
Policy has become a series of visits
by American bigwigs and they are
tired of smiling fapes behind
champagne glasses lifted to toast
an empty policy. They point out
that they are summoned by Amer-
ican-delegation office boys at the
UN and told how to vote. They
are telling American diplomats
that they are tired of voting on
instructions from the state de-
partment.
IN EUROPE-West Germany, an
anchor member of NATO, has been
grumbling against American inter-
vention in Lebanon. Norway, Den-
mark and Belgium are irritated.
The French, though for interven-
tion, are most unhappy over the
fact that some 1,800 of their troops
have been anchored off Beirut for
almost a week, anxious to go
ashore, but unwanted.
In Asia and Africa - Japan,
which we depended upon as our
chief Far Eastern ally, has been on
the other side of the Lebanese
fence. Saudi Arabia, which we
have wooed and courted, side-
stepped approval for the use of
the Air Force base in Dhahran, and
refused to sentl oil to Jordan, even
though King Saud, less than a
year ago, had stationed his troops
in Jordan to rescue King Hussein.

Indonesia, India, and most Afri-
can-Asiatic states are against the
United States.
One Latin - American Ambas-
sador remarked: "How can I
possibly explain to the people of
my country why we should vote to
take over for the United States
Marines in a little country few of
them have heard about and which
they think is .being occupied solely
to protect American oil?"
In the last few days, some diplo-
mats have been telling each other:
"We've got to pitch in and save
the United States. We can't allow
her to lose face. It was bad enough
to have Britain and France shown
up as weak powers after Suez. We
can't have the same thing happen
to the United States.
0 *
ALL THE ABOVE is not plea-
sant to contemplate. However,,the
American people would be guilty
of keeping their heads in the sand
if they did not wakeup to the facts.
And these unpleasant facts indi-
cate how badly American prestige
has slipped.
The question is-why? The an-
swer, in brief, is what world lead-
ership goes to:
1) The strong
2) Him who leads
On point 1, for the last 10
months, it has been obvious that
our onetime scientific and mili-
tary supremacy has been going to
the nation which able to put a
ton-and-a-half Sputnik in the
skies, and was able to test a long-
range intercontinental missile as
early as May, 1957. In contrast,
our ICBM, the Atlas, went Pffft at
Cape Canaveral on July 19, the
same day Khrushchev was de-
manding a summit meeting in bru-
tal, bulldozing language.
On point 2, a nation which
leads must not be a nation which
waits. It must solve problems be-
fore they become acute. It must
use imagination and inspiration.
It cannot rely on bluster and talk.
We have been talking big and car-
rying a little stick. We have been
bragging about outer space, but
beeping with a tiny Sputnik.
* *
WE HAVE BEEN talking about
massive retaliation and agonizing

reappraisal when the world knew
we weren't going to attack mas-
sively with the atomic bomb, and
the world has now come to real-
ize that we have to undergo an
agonizing reappraisal of our own
policy of brinksmanship.
One policy we may -have to re-
appraise is that of policing the
world on the other side of the
world-the equivalent of Russia
landing troops near our border in
Nicaragua, Guatemala or Mexico.
There was a time when we could
' do it without too much fear of the
consequences. But Russia's inter-
mediate range missile has changed
that. She has them in quantity. We
haven't.
These are some of the agoniz-
ing reappraisals we have to make.
They are also some of the reasons
why so much arm-twisting has
been necessary at the United Na-
tions to rally our old friends for
a vote in the UN assembly. They
are not pleasant facts. But it's best
for the American people to know
them rather than keep our heads
in the sand.
UNITED STATES Ambassador
Fletcher Warren left Turkey on
July 12 for a two-month holiday.
American Marines landed in Leb-
anon on July 15. Turkey, crucial
key point in the Near East crisis,
is now without an American Am-
bassador. The new' American
Charge D'Affaires to Turkey is
Carlos Hall, now en route to Istan-
bul and Ankara. Hall is a Latin-
American expert, speaks excellent
Spanish, not one word of any Near
East language. In fact, he knows
almost nothing about the Near
East. No wonder Turkish officials
registered amazement.
Chief goal of Nasser in the Near
East is Kuwait, the little oil-soaked
country at the head of the Gulf
of Persia which gets $320,000,000
from oil annually, but has only
200,000 people. Saudi Arabia, with
more than 6,000,000 people, gets
$300,000,000 from oil. Nasser would
prefer Kuwait to Saudi Arabia,
with more oil per person. He wants
oil to meet various Arab budget
deficits.'
(Copyright 1958 by Bell Syndicate, Inc.)

THE Kalamazoo Civic Players,
which presented the play last
night at the invitation of the
speech department. are probably
the envy of all amateur theatrical
groups in the country for their
rather illustrious and adventur-
ous history as well as their fine
theatre facilities.
Unfortunately. the portrayal
of foreign wit and manners is an
exceptionally difficult task. Miss
Christi is an excellent example of
this - her portraits of Americans,
for example, show an amusing
and at times annoying lack of
understanding of the American
idionf. It is small wonder then
that the group from Kalamazoo
should have difficulty in getting
across the British temperament.
An appreciation of the under-
statement of some of the lines and
of the general character devel-
opment was lacking, and the ac-
cents were rather fleeting and un-
certain.
* * *
IN FACT, the whole cast seemed
overly vehement and high pitched
(one longed for cough drops the
whole evening) to the point where
places that called for near-frenzy
or hysteria suffered from lack of
contrast. Miss Bradshaw particu-
larly intrigued us, however - her
voice is quite superb - and the
Major was often cl'armingly
tweedy. Mr. Keiley as the rather
fey, almost, architect gave an un-
usual performance, and Miss
Donahue would also have im-
pressed us with her voice had she
been rather less vehement in its
employment.
-David Guillaume

SETTERS
to the
EDITOR,

C\'

Dump Drew? .
To the Editor:
NOW that the Adams-Goldfine
investigation has demonstrated
Drew Pearson's technique of
"gathering news," it is high time
The Daily seriously considered
replacing his journalistic gyra-
tions with a more worthwhile
column.
Recently, even readers of a De-
troit newspaper have complained
that the Pearson style is too sen-
sationalistic for that paper's own
news policy. If this is true of the
frankly flippant Detroit papers,
the criticism is even more ap-
plicable to The Daily with its
traditionally conservative stand-
ards.
Pearson as a columnist has
shown that he cannot be trusted,
for the same reason that informa-
tion gleaned over the back yard
fence must be viewed with sus-
picion. His writing style, his ,con-
fidential sources," who may well
be confidential to the point of non-
existence. and even the sensational
topics with which he deals, all
add up to one thing-gossip. This
does not belong in The Daily.
- Judy Sklar, '60

EDTOR'S NOTE: For some t
The Dily's Senior Editors h
been discussing replacing the P
son column and at present are
sidering William S. White, aul
of "The Taft Story" and a for:
New York Times Washingtonr
respondent.)


By WALTER LIPPMANN

'OR THE MOMENT, there appears to be a
pause with something of the nature of a
ilitary standstill in the Middle 'East. It is
ecarious, and most certainly it is temporary.
it it rests, so it would seem, on a recognition
both camps that the status quo cannot now
altered by military means without inordi-
ite and incalculable risk.'
The three Western powers have agreed that
ey will not invade Iraq in order to make a
unter revolution, and that they will not per-'
it Turkey or Jordan to march against Bagh-
.d. On the other hand, it is reasonably clear
at Nasser and Khrushchev will not now' move
eir military forces against the American Ma-'
nes and the British paratroopers.
During this momentary balance of power, it
the turn of the statesmen and the diplomats'
take over.,
COOL ASSESSMENT of our position is the
essential basis of a constructive diplomatic
licy. What happened in Iraq, the keystone of
e Baghdad Pact and supposedly the one firm
d reliable pro-Western Arab country? Was
ing Faisal's government the victim of external
gression as were Czechoslovakia and Poland
id Hungary? It was not. King Faisal's govern-
ent was overthrown swiftly and totally by a
nspirancy of Iraqi officers. What is most sig-
ficant is that the Iraqi army supported the,
volution immediately and that 'this revolution
manifestly popular in the country. So, we
>uld be deluding ourselves if we believed that
e friendly government of Iraq was subverted
foreign agents acting contrary to the na-
anal sentiment of the country.
There is, therefore, no reason to hope that
ere will be a counter revolution which re-
>res the old Iraqi regime. It is plain that no
nd of military intervention-for example, by{
ing Hussein of Jordan backed by the British'
d the Americans-would have any chance of
ccess. It has been said that what restrains us
the fear of Russian intervention in Iraq. That
not a bad reason for r'estraint. But it is not
e only, or even the final, reason. For even if
ussian neutrality were guaranteed, which it
not, no Western military intervention in Iraq
uld succee'd in establishing an independent
'ab government in Baghdad. There could be
ly a puppet government, dependent on the
-itish and American forces, and doomed to
struction if they were ever withdrawn. This
Editorial Staff
MICHAEL KRAFr DAVID TARR
Co-Editor Co-Editor
)BERT JUNKER ...........ight Editor
WARD GERULDSEN ........,.... Night Editor
SAN HOLTZER ... ....................Night Editor
ENE VANDERSLICE ................Night Editor
CHA.RD MINTZ............ .... Sports Editor
ED SHIPPEY........ ...Chief Photographer,
Business Staff

Is another way of saying that the popular revo-
lutionary movement of the Arabs cannot be
overcome by Western arms.
This same fundamental truth applies to our
present position in the Lebanon. We cannot
successfully entrench ourselves there in hostile
opposition to the Arab movement. In fact, we
cannot'assuile the independence of the Lebanon
with the forces that alre now at Beirut and on
the beaches nearby. The independence of the
Lebanon can be assured only if thhe civil war
is ended and the new Lebanese state is then
guaranteed protection.
Now, it is almost certainly true that while
the Marines can protect President Chamoun
against a palace revolution like that .in Bagh-
dad, the Marines are a liability when it comes
to making an lasting settlement of the civil war.
For any Lebanese government which owes its
existence to the Marines is doomed to destruc-
tion when the Marines leave. Moreover the
longer the Marines stay on, the greater will be
the popular opposition to them in the Lebanon.
THIS LEADS me to think that our Lebanese
policy, as we have' presented it to the
United Nations, is too thin, is lacking in diplo-
matic vitality, and may be, quite sterile. We
have said that the Marines will go out when
a UN force replaces them. As.the chances are
not good that the.'UN.will set up a force to
replace the Marines, we are in danger of having
to leave the Marines in the Lebanon for the
indefinite future, to leave them there not only
without the hope of withdrawal but without
the hope of accomplishing anything while they
remain.
It seems to me that we should, therefore,
come forward soon with a large proposal for
the political future of the Lebanon. It would
have to begin with the settlement of the civil
war, perhaps by the good- offices of Mr. Ham-
marskjold. The settlement would be followed by
the neutralization of the Lebanon under the
guarantee of the UN, which would include the
interested powers.
We must seek, I think, to give Russia and
Nasser a political interest and a jurisdictional.
reason for allowing the Lebanon to exist as an
independent state. There is no other way,
short of unconditional and unlimited war, to
prevent indirect aggression while popular feel-
ing is what it is in the Middle East.
A NEUTRALIZED Lebanon would not be the
end of the Middle Eastern problem. But it
might be an auspicious beginning of a settle-
ment. For it would establish the principle,
which is essential to any settlement, that the
Soviet Union and the Nasser confederation
have interests in the Middle East and that we
are prepared to work out an "accommodation.
There will be some, perhaps many, who be-
lieve that an accommodation of interests is in
the bad sense of the word, the Munich sense,
appeasement. For myself, I do not think that
it is appeasement, that Nasser's part in the
Iraqi revolution is at all like the dismantlement

UNDIPLOMATIC LEGACY:
Previous U.S. Policies
Foreshadowed Force
By JOHN M. HIGHTOWER
Associated Press Diplomatic Writer
WASHINGTON-Sooner or later it was bound to happen. The United
States had made too many threats and too many promises. When
the showdown came it had to send troops into the turbulent Middle
East.
But none -ih Washington would claim that the landing of Marines
in Lebanon was a triumph of United States planning and far-sighted
policy. In fact, the general impression here was that it was an emergency
measure that marked the failure of a policy.
a '* *
FOR YEARS the aim of Washington's Middle Eastern diplomacy
had been to hold off Soviet influence, promote stability in the area,

THE MIDDLE ROAD:
Nehru Adopts 'Negative Neutralism'

(EDITOR'S NOTE: This is the first
of three articles appraising the
national leaders who are attempt-
ing to steer their countries in a
neutral course between the West
and the East. The subsequent pro-
files will describe Nasser and Tito.)
By WATSON SIMS
Associated Press Foreign Correspondent
NEW DELI-I - Prime Minister
Jawaharlal Nehru recently was
asked by a newsman to explain his
"third position" between East and
West in the Cold War.
His reply may have been as close
as he has ever come to answer-
ing a question which has vexed'
Washington, London and Moscow.
"The 'third position' is a nega-
tive one," he said. "It represents
abstaining from a positive move-
ment."
Over the years, Nehru has irri-
tated both sides by remaining in
the middle and accentuating the
negative.
The Prime Minister has, Indians
quickly point out, many positive
policies. He ist first and foremost
for India and nything that will
help his impoverished and under-
developed country. He is for peace,
believing that no nation, including
India, could avoid the conse-
quences of war.
BUT IT IS largely through the
negative that Nehru has gained
his international reputation. In a

recognize that under NehruIndia
will join neither camp, each is
willing to stake large bets on the
way it will go in the future.
Thus America has poured more
than a billion dollars into India
and since independence, Russia is
building a 125 million dollar steel
plant for India's second five-year
plan, and has authorized a similar
amount for purchasing industrial
equipment.
Against this background, there
has been controversy as to where
Nehru's sympathies really lie.
Even Nehru's Indian admirers
concede that on the international
level he appears quicker to criti-
cize the West than Russia. An ex-
planation heard here is that the
British-educated -Premier expects
the best of the West and only
hopes the best from Russia-and
uses the criticism accordingly.
BUT IF the policies he applies
at home can be a criterion, the
Prime Minister would have to be
classified as anti-Communist.
In a recent private speech to
his Congress party, Neheru said he
wants India to have a kind of so-
cialism in which every individdual
has equal opportunity.
"I do not at all prefer state
controlling everything because I
attach a value to individual free-
dom," he said. "I do not want
state socialism of that extreme

strengthen Western ties with the
Arab lands and do all this without
the use of force.
With the lightning revolt in Iraq
-a stroke that caught the Western
powers by total surprise-revolu-.
tionary forces linked to Cairo and
Moscow seemed on the verge of
sweeping victories throughout the
Middle East.
The strategic trade and military
routes which crisscross the region,
ast oil resources which are vital
to the factories and war machines
of Western Europe, appeared to
be in jeopardy. President Eisen-
hower ordered United States Ma-
rines into Lebanon to ward off i-
minent disaster for the Western
powers.
THE SITUATION which con-
fronted him with the need for
quick decision had been a long
time in building, shaped partly by
forces beyond the control of this
or any other great power-shaped
partly perhaps by the compulsions
and sometimes the errors of the
Western nations, including the
United States.
Certainly Moscow has exerted a
growing influence in the region
since 1955 by exploiting the surg-
ing nationalism of the Arab world.
President Gamal Abdel Nasser of
the United Arab Republic-Egypt
and Syria-has grown into a mag-
netic symbol of nationalist hopes
and ambitions.h
The causes of the crisis are
easier to sort out and define than
the consequences likely to flow
from the actions which the United
States and Britain have taken to
bring it under control.
One of the possible results is
that United States and British
forces, having been finally intro-
duced into the area, may have to
stay there for a long time. Much
depends on whether the United
Nrin ,,n nfir endsn orewn +nt

use force involves a grave risk of
conflict with hostile Arab rebels.
This risk remains to some degree
as long as the Western troops are
stationed in Middle Eastern coun-
tries.
.The chance of a Soviet counter-
move which would lead to some
kind of hostilities was weighed.
The possibility was considered
remote. By going into the Middle
East with force the Western pow-
ers were not threatening to take
territory away from Russia but
only to defend areas well this side
of the Iron Curtain.
The cost of the operation must
include, however,, the advantages.
which Soviet and U.A.R. propa-
gandists gain by being able to ac-
cuse the United States and Britain
of open aggression and old-fash-
ioned colonialism in an area where
the emotions of anticolonialism are
still a driving force in political life,
.* * .*
IN THIS COUNTRY, as in Brit-
ain, the use of troops seems certain
to provide domestic political issues
for a long time to come.
The situation so far as the Unit-
ed States is concerned is not with-
out its ironical and contradictory
elements.
For many years this country has
urged the European allies to avoid
forceful measures in dealing with
colonial or former colonial peoples.
Less than two years ago it broke
with Britain and France over their
invasion of Egypt during the Suez
Canal crisis. It has long walked a
tight rope between preserving co-
operation with its NATO allies
and giving aid and assistance to
peoples which were often bitterly
critical of those NATO allies.
The United States has also prac-
ticed what Secretary of State John
Foster Dulles once described as go-
ing to the brink of war without
going over. His record for avoiding
actual troop commitments while

tations and criticizes both sides
for waging it.
At one time or another, this has
earned Nehru the anger of both
East and West.
By and large, however, Nehru
has managed to dodge the brick-
bats from both sides; to press
ahead for India and add to his own
stature by standing in the middle.
To the envy and anger of some
states which have taken sides, In-