100%

Scanned image of the page. Keyboard directions: use + to zoom in, - to zoom out, arrow keys to pan inside the viewer.

Page Options

Download this Issue

Share

Something wrong?

Something wrong with this page? Report problem.

Rights / Permissions

This collection, digitized in collaboration with the Michigan Daily and the Board for Student Publications, contains materials that are protected by copyright law. Access to these materials is provided for non-profit educational and research purposes. If you use an item from this collection, it is your responsibility to consider the work's copyright status and obtain any required permission.

July 28, 1954 - Image 4

Resource type:
Text
Publication:
Michigan Daily, 1954-07-28

Disclaimer: Computer generated plain text may have errors. Read more about this.

PAGE FOUR

THE MICHIGAN DAILY

WEDNESDAY, JULY 28, 1954

The Filibuster: A Bad Road
To a Worthwhile Goal

JUST as Senator McCarthy has successfully dent-
ed our respect for the United States Senate,
Senator Wayne Morse and his Democratic col-
leagues take the opportunity to finish ripping it to
shreds. Their filibuster may look good on the en-
durance record, books, but it presents a sordid pic-
ture of a legislative process that already has
enough reason to be ashamed of its reputation.
That such methods are available to block legis-
lation is, in itself, a discredit to our government.
It's one of those little things that keep our system
from being perfect. Any realization that our sys-
tem cannot be perfect anyway is hardly a rea-
sonable excuse for failing to improve it. And a
handy starting-point for improvement is the elim-
ination of the filibuster.
The theory of representative government pro-
vides that elected legislators pass laws after due
consideration to all the angles on matters perti-
nent. It is assumed that a certain amount of de-
bate on some points is helpful in this regard. What
results is supposed to be the victory of the ma-
jority's desire in the battle of conflicting view-
points. The minority accepts defeat somewhat
grudgingly and goes about its goal of becoming the
majority.
Sometimes things get a little mixed up and a
minority gets the chance to have its way, which
is not the correct situation, even if the minority
its right and the majority is wrong and you are
part of the minority. As long as minority rights
are in effect, the minority should stay within
the rules.
The usurping of power over legislation by a mi-
nority is not in accord with the democratic pro-
cess, for that is exactly what democracy is ex-
pected to avoid. The filibuster is just that. It al-
lows a minority to prevent legislation that evident-
ly the majority wants. If it were not apparent that

the Administration's atomic energy bill would be
passed, opponents of the bill would not feel obli-
gated to resort to a filibuster to prevent its enact-
ment.
Thus, the filibuster is undesirable because it
disrupts the propriety of the legislative process
and disgusting because Senators, members of the
older and more distinguished half of Congress, turn
to it in their frustration toward regular procedure.
The Senate, at least, should be sensible enough to
avoid such a display of unappreciated stubborn-
ness. We should even be able to depend on them
to avoid filibustering despite the absence of Senate
rules against it.
The irony of the matter, in this writer's opin-
ion, lies in the realization that to pass the Admin-
istration's bill on atomic energy would be a grave
error. Yet the filibuster seems to be the only
way to halt the government from turning this
nation's most valuable resources over to private
industry where anything can happen to them.
In a few years, it would become sadly evident
that private industry cannot be trusted with
anything as profoundly meaningful and delicate
as atomic energy; at least not yet.
But if that is what the majority of the people,
or their representatives, want, that is what they
should have. Those who, like this writer, think
passing the bill would be a terrible mistake must
content themselves with working to change the
majority's minds.
It may seem facetious to suggest that we stand
by while the majority trys to strangle itself with
unwise legislation. But as long as they are as con-
vinced that they are right as we are that they are
wrong, we should let them find out for themselves
and avoid discourtesies like the filibuster.
When you come right down to it, though, it's
pretty hard to tell yourself to shut up.
--Jim Dygert

"It Never Existed-And I Killed It"
f#

f
.P
;
>:
.,- : .
:y::_ ..
r,
c
-' 8-k.,
: ,
..

!.t.

lprac+ a.{c: w Aia mfc+ert AaRw

DRAMA

.
. - -- - - -

AT SALINE MILL THEATER...
CANDIDA, presented by the Saline Mill Theater
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW wrote a great many
plays that seem to be chiefly calculated to
antagonize somebody. The goats in "Candida" were
the male of the species and maybe at the time the
play was written, this was all right since women
were the underdogs in society. Ibsen joined him in
spearheading the feminist movement and audiences
found great enjoyment in pretending that ladies
really were something to be reckoned with.
Since then, however, an awful lot of women
have found their place in the World of Men. Ac.'
cordingly, the pretense that they have been over-
looked somehow in all the hurly-burly is not very
amusing any more. The dominance of the fe-
male, the deep maternal urges have all been given
frightening technical names. Sometimes maybe we
can laugh at these things, but not, I think, as they
are displayed in an outfit as unpleasant as the
Morell household whose private affairs are ex-
posed to us in "Candida." Everything around the
old vicarage has the uncomfortable lavender odor
of a heritage that it is not particularly pleasant
to recall. And simply to wind up the old dialectic
again like grandfather's clock inevitably produces
a clatter and wheeze, even If it is the Irish "enfant
terrible," Shaw, who is manipulating the works
inside.
The production of "Candida" at Saline, while a
competent mone, raises the immediate problem of
the degree of seriousness with which the group has
approached the play. Since there is something like
a respectable emotional conflict present, it was per-
haps not unreasonable for the company to play it
fairly straight. Most of the way, this is what they
did. On the other hand, certain elements of the
drama beg for exaggeration, and even burlesque.
The company also gave in to these demands. At'
times even, both elements were present on the stage
at once. What this left the viewer with was a
sense of uneasiness about what the director wanted
his attitude to be. Since no consistent key was furn-
ished, one had to fall back on his own personal atti-
tudes about men and women, per se, in this par-

ticular situation, and it was consequently difficult to
respond to the individuals as characters.
My suspicion, however, is that the flaw was not
so much a director's failure as Shaw's own error.
In most of his plays, he gets by very easily with wit
and style as the mask for legitimate social problems.
In "Candida," however, he leaves the three major
characters, Merell, Candida, and Marchbanks so
humorless themselves that the intrusion of "wit"
in the presence of the secretary and the father
seems like only an intrusion which lacks any in-
tegral relationship with the rest of the play. This
lack of humor is fundamentally what makes the
curate, his wife, and her lover such singularly un-
pleasant human beings.
Lacking humor, Candida's graciousness is
smug. Lacking humor, the curate, who still had
most of my sympathy, misses settling the problem
in five minutes as any man possessing it would
have done easily. Lacking humor, Marchbanks,
the poet, is silly, dull, and beyond hope of re-
demption. The scenes between these people seem
elaborately cooked up as a result and we have no
idea why on earth they would even stay in the
same room with each other. Candida's belief that
her husband achieved glory in his profession be-
cause she turned the "vulgar cares" away from the
door is offensively presumptuous and is made even
worse when Morell agrees with her. But per-
haps her doting acceptance of Marchbanks' spine-
less devotion tops even this.
The spirits of the actors also have been flagged
somewhat by the play. Dorothy Patterson, in the
title role, seems to feel that Candida never had to
lift an eyebrow in negotiating her "problem." Prob-
ably she is right. Morell (Gene Jankowski) looked
too young for her, making it difficult for him to
provide the proper coitrast to Marchbanks. Vet-
eran Gene Rupert performed this role with expert
technique for displaying the poet as villain. Florence
Rupert did the secretary almost as burlesque, and
Ted Heusel and John Hamel (as vicar with brush
cut) completed the cast.
These people, with Shaw, do not bore you at
Saline, but they irritate you quite a bit and I am
inclined to think without very good reason.
-Bill Wiegand

WASHINGTON - The inside
story of the greatest filibuster in
modern Senate history can now be
told. Whatever you may say about
filibusters, this one also concerned
one of the most important bills in
modern times.
It established machinery govern-
ing the atomic power that will run
the nation's factories and electric-
light plants in the next 7 years.
In the past, the great water-
power sites of the United States
have been developed in part by
private utilities, in part by the
government. But the basic battle
in the Atomic Energy Bill was the
giving of all atomic power to pri-
vate industry. The government
would have no look-in at all. At
one point Senator Hickenlooper of
Iowa, the Republican in charge
of the bill for the Eisenhower forc-
es, even introduced an amendment
banning the government f r o m
spending any funds whatsoever for
developing commercial power.
Chief backer and pusher of the
Atomic Power Bill was Adm. Lew-
is Strauss, chairman of the Atom-
ic Energy Commission and part-
ner of the wall street banking firm
of Kuhn, Loeb and Co. This is one
of the big investment bankers
which haverbeen financing the
private power companies anxious
to get a grip on atomic power.
Another Wall Street investment
firm, Lehman Brothers, has hired
Gordon Dean, former chairman of
the Atomic Energy Commission;
while a third big wall street firm,
Lazard Freres, has hired David
Lilienthal, another former A E C
chairman. Both men have kept
carefully aloof from the legislative
battle, however.

arms. Sparkman pounded his desk
in Lyndon's face. Sparkman, the
man who made the remark, was
vice-presidential candidate in 1952.
He has plenty of prestige. But
Johnson, the man who heard it,
aspires to be vice-presidential can-
didate--or better-in 1956.
So, later that night, "Lyin' Down
Lyndon," as he is sometimes
called, was heard telling Gore of
Tennessee: "We're going to find
out who is going to stand up and
vote for my leadership rather than
that of Morse."
Simultaneously, more personal
peeve had been injected into the
battle. Knowing Lyndon Johnson's
vanity, Knowland kept needling
the Democrats that Morse, the
Oregon Independent, was the real
leader of the Democrats.
This was discussed at a secret
meeting of the Atom Bill's oppo-
nents in Lister Hill's office late
Friday at which Gore of Tennes-
see told Morse: "You've got to
withdraw your amendment."
He referred to Morse's ban on
letting Admiral Strauss become
sole spokesman and, in effect, con-
troller of the Atomic Energy Com-
mission.
"If you don't withdraw it," ar-
gued Gore, "Many of the Demo-
crats who've been voting with us
will desert. Knowland has been
repeating that you are the real
leader and the Democrats don't
like to hear you referred to that
way."
"Why let Knowland run your
party?" challenged the Indepen-
dent senator from Oregon. "Why
not run the party yourselves?"
Nevertheless, he withdrew the
anti-Strauss amendment.

Iette 4
TO THEEDITOR
The Daily welcomes communica-
tions from its readers on matters of
general interest, and will publish all
letters which are signed by the wri-
ter and in good taste. Letters ex-
ceeding 300 words in length, defama-
tory or libelous letters, and letters
which for any reason are not in good
taste will be condensed, edited or
withheld from publication at the
discretion of the editors.
Contempt or
Constitutional?...
To the Editor:
YOU WILL FIND below a brief
release on the contempt cita-
tions. I would have sent this to you
earlier, but I found out about my
contempt citation rather tardily.
One of my friends mailed me your
story on it; I compliment you on
your fair treatment.
"I learn from the papers that the
House of Representatives has
supported Congressman Clardy's
charge that I am in contempt of
Congress.
"If the contempt case is brought
to court, I hope to win it. Mr. Clar-
dy can accuse me of only one
thing: I challenged the legality of
his committee's procedure. I claim-
ed the Committee was interfering
with free speech by confusion and
intimidation, and therefore I was
under no compulsion to answer.
If I convince the courts I was
right, not only will I stay out of
jail, but also the illegality of the
Committee's procedure will have
been judicially established; the
committee will have to stop at-
tacking our rights. This hope justi-
fies my present risks."
-Dr. H. Chandler Davis
* * *
Triple-Feature . .
To the Editor:
WE LEARNED a lot on July 21,
triple-feature day. First in
Geneva that wars don't have to be
fought to a bloody finish, ex-Gen-
eral McArthur to the contrary not-
withstanding, for wars can be pre-
vented as well as ended by bona-
fide negotiations. S e c o n d, at
Washington that it established a
military advisory c o m m i s s i o n
which is to spend $75 million the
first year in Pakistan. Third, in
any thinking person's mind that
this move of the Pentagon will
alienate 365 million long-time
friends, the populace of India; but,
of course, the USA will benefit by
the employment of almost 20,000
workers producing the arms for
Pakistan,.
So, lose a friend but gain hardly
twenty cents worth of employ-
ment! What mathematical gen-
iuses the Pentagon have! But no
doubt your representative and
senators will approve this when
they debate the foreign aid ap-
propriation. After all, are they not
followers of the misguided, illog-
ical, impossible "containment"
policy which its predecessor so
successfully bequeathed to the Ei-
senhower administration?
But who would expect mental
effort to devise sounder policy of
bonafide, continuing, even unlim-
ited, negotiation between East and
West? Isn't it easier to pursue the
"containment" tracks, even if they
lead to bloody wars? Isn't such
pursuit easier than thinking?
But who expects sound thinking
-in the Pentagon? in the State
Department? in the White House?
-Albert Bofman

0, 4r
mir4iganl3al-Ig

A BRITISH LOOK:
Rehash of the Churchill-
Eisenhower Meeting

John Kollen,pianist.
All-Beethoven program: Sonata
in A-flat major. Op. 110;
Sonata in D major, Op. 10,
No. 3.
TO CHOOSE THREE sonatas
from Beethoven's thirty-two
can hardly be said to present a
cross-section of this composer's
piano music, because; Beethoven
was a composer who with' each
succeeding work built on what he
had already done, and thus had
something new to say with every
new composition. But the three
sonatas which Mr. Kollen played
tives of the early, middle, and late
periods of Beethoven's creative
life (if one must talk about "peri-
ods" of a composer's work), all
three are masterpieces,a dnall
three are masterpieces, and all
three are unique.
It is not Beethoven's fault that
the C-sharp minor sonata is over-
played to the point of being hack-
neyed. Even in such a familiar
work as this it is possible to recog-
nize the wonderful quality of the
material and the effective balanc-
ing of the three contrasting move-
ments. The graceful and terse sec-
ond movement is perhaps the
strongest of the three, despite its
brevity, but the expressive quality
of the first and the drive of the
finale remain even after many
hearings of the sonata. The lyri-
cism of the slow movement was
projected beautifully by Mr. Koll-
en, whose playing was carefully

TOWARD BALANCING THE BUDGET:
Can Eisenhower Be Criticized
For Making Ends Meet?

FINAL FIGURES on the federal budget for the
fiscal year ended June 30 last show that the
Government spent $67.6 billions over this period,
and that its receipts came to $64.6 billions, leaving
a net deficit of slightly more than $3 billions. Com-
menting on this, the first complete financial year
of his Administration, the President observed: "We
have come over two-thirds of the way toward bal-
ancing the budget. And we have done this while
putting into effect a tax program which will return
nearly $7.5 billions to the people."
The President's pride in the Administration's
fiscal record over its first eighteen months in office
is justified. In the election campaign this fall we
shall doubtless hear once more the unsupported
charge that the President has "failed to make good
his pledge to balance the budget." But it won't be
made by responsible persons, for it is not in accord
with the facts. The President himself has not both-
ered, so far as we recall, to deny the interpretation
of his campaign promise which would have the un-
informed believe that he had pledged a balanced
budget by the end of the first fiscal year of his Ad-
ministration. Considering the Government's finan-
cial situation just before he took office this would
certainly have been a dangerously reckless promise.
The nearest apnroximation to a snecific timetab1e

"voiced"-that is, the melodic line
was kept clearly focussed, with the
accompaniment well in the back-
ground. However, too much con-
cern with individual p a s s a g e
seemed to deprive the third move-
mnent of some of the drama of the,
whole.
Opus 110 is Beethoven's lash
sonata but one, and although
it could hardlyhave come from
his earlier periods, it has none
of the abstrusity Beethoven's
late works are supposed to have.
It is lyrical almost from be-
ginning to end, except for a
sturdy, Germanic fast movement
in the middle. The fugue in
the last movement is one of
the supreme examples ofnhow
such a strict contrapuntal style
can be used for expressive pur-
poses-provided, of course, that ..
the composer has mastered both
the fugal craft and the problems
of expressivity. Mr. Kollen's
sensitive playing of the arlose'
section in the final movement
was probably the most success-
ful aspect of his performance.
The concluding work was the D
major sonata, Op. 10, No. 3, per-
haps the most mature sonata Beet-
hoven had written up to that time.
Like the C-sharp minor, the minuet
movement of this sonata (excel-
lently phrased by the performer)
is probably the most attractive,
but the whole work is a delightful
one.
--Dave Tice

+ MUSIC +

billions for the fiscal year ended twelve months ear-
Tier. Thus spending has been slashed by $6.7 billions
between the years 1953 and 1954 alone; it has al-
ready been brought to within $7.6 billions of the
1957 goal.
This is not to suggest, it should be quickly added,
that we can hope to project that annual rate of re-
duction over the next three years. It is merely to
suggest that an excellent beginning has been made,
and that, what is even more important, the Eisen-
hower Administration has demonstrated in figures
that are unanswerable its determination to bring
order to the nation's finances.
When President Eisenhower said "We have come
over two thirds of the way toward balancing the
budget" he had in mind, presumably, the narrow-
ing of the gap between income and outgo in 1954 as
compared with 1953. While the deficit for fiscal
1953 totaled $9.4 billions, this year's was only slight-
ly above the $3 billions mark. But if we really wish
to bring this accomplishment of the Administration
into its true perspective we should go back to Jan-
uary, 1953, when the first budget estimate, prepared
under the direction of President Truman, was pub-
lished.
Mr. Truman foresaw these key budgetary figures
for fisea1 1954- :Enendgiturs .'77 hillinn- receints.

Backstage Strategy *
These were the b a c k s t a g e Lyndon Knocks Props
factors which caused a group of Meanwhile, two other develol
senators to meet in the District ments were injected into theato
of Columbia senate committee battle. No. 1 was the tremendou
room about 10 days ago to pledge pressure of the power lobby, e
a battle to the bitter end against pecially on Southern senators.
the atomic bill. At that meeting, No. 2 was fear by Southern ser
Sen. Lister Hill of Alabama, one ators that the Republicans wou
of the senior Southern Democrats, change the rules of debate at tI
was appointed e a p t a i n of the next session and make further fil
group, with Sens. Albert Gore of busters impossible. And the fil
Tennessee and Clinton Anderson buster has been the chief weapc
of New Mexico the lieutenants in of the South in defeating legisl
charge of amendments. tion on the race issue.
It was agreed that there would Cloakroom huddles took plat
be a carefully arranged schedule regarding this between Gore, Lyr
of speakers with each man taking don Johnson, and Clements of Ker
his turn. tucky, during which it was repor
"I'm prepared to speak six ed that Johnson h a d promise
hours a day," declared able Sen- Gore a seat on the Atomic Energ
ator Gore of Tennessee enthusi- Committee if he would comprc
astically. "With this plan we can mise the fight.
carry on from now until Christ- So Gore, the man who had sai
mas." he could speak six hours a da
Little did the group realize that until Christmas, met with Senat
the man who spoke, despite his colleagues on Saturday afternoo
ability, would be the first to crum- in Lister Hill's office. By this tim
ble when the fighting got tough. he was dead tired and understan
For three days the filibuster op- ably discouraged. So, with Stenn
erated with clocklike precision. of Mississippi, he urged that the
Every speaker was in his place throw in the sponge.
at the right time, carried on for But there were vigorous obje
the allotted length of time. It tions.
looked as if they could operate "How can you go back to Missi
indefinitely. sippi with the Dixon-Yates cor
But last Friday night, as Know- tract remaining in this bill?
land of California fought in vain Morse asked Stennis. "And ho
to stop the filibuster, three things can you go back to Tennessee, A
happened. One was petty and per- bert Gore, and admit that yc
sonal, only important in a body dropped a fight that means
where alleged statesmen can put much to your state?"
personal prestige ahead of issues "And what will you look li
that affect the nation. An you up i
P a P mountain to victory, had it withi
Personal Prestige your grasp, and then marche
It began with a statement by down in retreat?" goaded Morse
Sen. John Sparkman of Alabama Finally it was decided to send
that the Republican leadership delegation of five senators to s
might better consult those who Senate 1 e a d e r Johnson. Lyr
were doing the real fighting don was outwardly courteous bi
against the atom giveaway rather hardly listened to a word the
than consult the alleged Demo- said.

m.
us
s-
,n-
ld
he
Li-
Li-
on
[a-
ce
rn-
0-
rt-
ed
6y
id
ay
-te
on
ne
id-
ey
sc-
is-
n-
"
w
1-
ou
so
ke
in
ed
a
ee
rn-
ut
ey

WHENEVER any British states-j
man is about to come to!
Washington American officialdom
begins to burnish its armour, in
deference to an unshakable na-
tional belief in the Machiavellian
cunning of British diplomacy and
its designs on the simple virtue of
the United States. But in the week
before Sir Winston and Mr. Eden
took wing it was clear that this
time the American breastplate was
being buckled on with special care.
The reminder was discreetly allow-
ed to circulate that the United
States and Britain are formally al-
lied only through the North At-
lantic Treaty Organization and in
Europe, and in the columns of the
diplomatic correspondents there
appeared an officially inspired list
of grievances against British pol-
icy. These included the now fam-
ous misunderstanding in April
about the urgency with which a
South Asian security organization
would be discussed; annoyance at
the candor with which the Foreign
Office is now mentioning alterna-
tives to the European Defence
Community and the possibility of
bringing Germany into NATO. The
list contained several specific
grounds of complaint against Brit-
ish policy in the Middle East, and
ryas capped by a general expres-
sion of regret that the exigencies
of the European situation should
make it necessary for the United
States to be allied with the colonial
powers.
On top of this came Mr. Eden's
speech in the House of Commons
with its unlucky use of the word
"Locarno," and its omission of any
reference to Mr. Dulles, which was
accepted as a studied insult to the
latter. Although "Locarno" has
sent cold shivers down American
spines every time the Prime Min-
ister or the Foreign Secretary has
used the word, partly because it
has come to be regarded as a syn-
onym for "appeasement," the cur-
rent malaise of the alliance was
never better illustrated than by
the way in which the American
press distorted Mr. Eden's sugges-
tion both editorially and in re-1
porting it, giving it disproportion-
ate prominence over his agreement
to start conversations on South-
East Asian security arrangements.
But it was universally felt that
the suggestion was ill-timed, the
more so since Mr. Eden had been
guilty of breaking the rules of the
alliance in the same way as Mr.
Dulles has so freqeuntly done, by
springing a new idea upon the
world without first consulting, in
this case without even informing,
his partner.
In addition to these irritants,
there were two other difficulties
apparent before the great aircraft
Canopus alighted at Washington
airport. One was that the depar-
ture of M. Bidault and the arrival
of M. Mendes-France had, in ad-
vance ,rendered the Anglo-Ameri-
can meeting virtually powerless to
take concrete decisions, either
about Indochina or about Europe.
The other was that the problem of
Guatemala was dominating the
minds of Mr. Dulles and other
members of the Administration, al,
most to the exclusion of every oth-
er subject.
Under these circumstances, what
is s nriino w isnot t +ho rather lm

that were arrived at, but that
agreement of any kind between
the four principals was possible.
On the working. level some useful
results did emerge, a closer co-
ordination of ideas on Middle Eas-
tern policy, made easier by the
probable acceptance of the new
British proposals to Egypt, some
new thoughts on Trieste, and a
decision to try to apply the Ti-
este formula-namely, long joint
discussions with each party in turn
-to Arab-Israel relations. The
meeting ratified two inevitable de-
velopments, .the restoration of
German sovereignty if the French
assembly does not agree to EDC
this summer, and the beginning of
serious consideration of a South-
East Asia Treaty Organization,
Whether these decisions might
not have been arrived at as easily
through ordinary diplomatic chan-
nels without recourse to. peronal
diplomacy is open to question; it
is a sign of decreasing Anglo-Am-
erican friction that their imple-
mentation will now be discussed
in those channels. Certainly the
device of preliminary bilateral
talks between the British Embassy
and the State Department on iSE-
ATO with each keeping its own
particular friends informed, the
Commonwealth and Burma on the
one band and the Philippines and
Siam on the other, seems a happy
one; it meets Mr. Dulles' sense of
urgency while not abandoning Mr.
Eden's point that initial planning
should not prejudge SEATO's ev-
entual membership.
Most of what Sir Winston said
to President Eisenhower will never
be known, far they did much of
their talking in the strictest priv-
acy. But it was Sir Winston who
dominated the week-end as far as
the American public were concern-
ed, and the largest recorded as-
semblage of its kind convened at
a press luncheon to hear him make s.
his plea for an examination of the
possibilities of "peaceful co-exist-
ence." Certainly his dexterous
handling of questions and his gen-
eral sense of sober gaiety-he was
looking five or ten years younger
than when the American press had
last seen him at the Bermuda con-
ference-dispelled any belief that
the British government is in se-
nile hands, as certain recent Am- '
erican official visitors to London
had reported. On the contrary, his
public appearances and the respect
his words commanded have made
many Americans wonder how the
alliance can ever afford to dispense
with his services, for there is no
other European statesman, cer-
tainly not Mr. Eden, who can
speak with anything like the same
authority to the American public.
It is partly his venerableness (he
was First Lord of the Admiralty
in the year President Eisenhower
became a Second Lieutenant),
combined with the youthfulness of
his imagery, partly the earthy qua-
lity which aristocratic blood con-
fers, that makes him so much more{
respected by the average American
than the conventional products of
English middle-class schooling.
-The London Economist

Sixty-Fourth Year
Edited and managed by students of
the University of Michigan under the
authority of the Board in Control of
Student Publications.
Editorial Staff
Dianne Auwerter.....Managing Editor
Becky Conrad...........Night Editor
Rona Friedman..........Night Editor
Wally Eberhard.......... Night Editor
Russ AuWerter............Night Editor
Sue Garfield...........Women's Editor
Hanley Gurwin........Sports Editor
Jack Horwitz...Assoc. Sports Editor
E. J. Smith.......Assoc. Sports Editor
Business Staff
Dick Aistrom.......Business Manager
Lois Pollak.......Circulation Manager
Bob Kovaks........Advertising Manager
Telephone NO 23-24-1
Member

New Books
A t the Library

I

Back to Top

© 2022 Regents of the University of Michigan