"Could You Put An Alarm Clock In The Next One?"
Sixty-Eighth Year
. zz EDITED AND MANAGED BY STUDENTS OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN
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TUESDAY, MAY 20, 1958 - NIGHT EDITOR: PHILIP MUNCK
two French Scenes: e Gaulle Holds
Firm Helm or Rides Unsteady Wave
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DRAMA SEASON:
'Second Man'
Thin Comedy
"WITH BEADED bubbles winking at the brim;" so saith Keath, and
so saith the disillusioned writer in his second act champagne
toast, when the quartette of characters drinks. But the play bubbles
only at the brim, never delivering the piquant promise it offers.
This week's presentation of the Drama Season, "The Second Man,"
by S. N. Behrman, is an extended tete-a-tete; a superficial excursion
into the superficial lives of two sophisticates and their less worldly
compatriots. The plot has all the elements for good, grueling satire.
There is the decadent, witty writer who lives off the rich widow; the
frivolous ingenue in love with him, and determined to marry and re-
form him; the love-struck and incoherent young scientist who adores
the frivolous girl, but "just hasn't got the way with words" that the
writer has; and the patiently suffering matron, who is supporting the
writer, knows what he is, but still loves him.
THIS IS supposed to be comedy, and the contrived situation has
some very actual possibilities, trite as it is; however, what begins as
a sparkling conversational exercise deteriorates into a slow-moving
comedy, of manners, without the sharp precision that makes this suc-
cessful.
In a brilliant and brittle comedy, there is some profundity, some
element of truth beneath the veneer of acid, that makes the comedy
IN THE PRESENT situation in France, it
might not be such a bad idea to let General
Charles de Gaulle take control of the country
after all.
The General's return to power would give
France something that nation has sadly lacked
since World War II: stability. As France is now
governed, it is .next to impossible for any
government to keep itself in power long enough
to accomplish anything; the country has had 37
premiers since the end of the war, and cabinet
crises are fairly regular occurrences. In the
midst of these constitutional difficulties, France
faces an exhausting war in Algeria and major
economic problems at home, twin dangers which
the present system has shown itself unable to
resolve.
General de Gaulle has called for a stronger
executive, with fewer limitations placed upon
it by the national assembly. This would have at
least one real advantage. It would free the exec-
utive from the factionalism and strife or the
multi-party feuding in the Chamber of deputies
which not even the most talented of premiers
has been able to overcome. As a result of this
feuding, the 37 postwar premiers have had their
hands tied in attempting to deal with economic
and Algerian affairs-and the upshot is the
present chaos.
GIVING DE GAULLE sufficient power to meet
these issues as he sees fit might be the only
way left to attack them. France at present
seems to need nothing so much as a breathing
spell, similar to those given it by Cardinal
Fleury and Louis XVIII in previous centuries.
The army's revolt in Algeria would seem to
indicate that de Gaulle's power would rest
largely on the military, if he were to become
premier. This could be unfortunate, for despite
the General's age and the likelihood his power
would not last longer than, say, five years, there
is always the possibility the army would use the
precedent of de Gaulle as an excuse for further
"coups." The French scene, however, lacks any
other figure with the reputation and position of
de Gaulle; it is doubtful anyone else could com-
mand similar respect among the soldiers. The
General's position of leadership would seem to
be of a once-only nature.
NOR WOULD he be likely to bring on a
Fascist dictatorship such as Mussolini's. For
one thing, de Gaulle was his country's great
leader against Fascism in World War II; he
would hardly turn around and institutethe
same sort of government he fought against
fifteen years ago. Another consideration is de
SGaulle's advanced age, which makes it unlikely
he could establish such a dictatorship in his
lifetime. Army support also would seem to
count against such a system; if any form of
dictatorship would be set up, it would be more
likely to be along the line of Franco's Spain-
and, like Spain, possessing no extra-territorial
ambitions.
De Gaulle's ascendancy would present dan-
gers, to be sure, but it would seem these dan-
gers would not outweigh the positive benefits
of a government set apart from the pande-
monium. that is French politics. A strong hand
is needed in the current crisis; the General
should be given a chance -to show what he can
do.
-JOHN WEICHER
WITH TYPICAL inconsistency France is now
wavering between governments.
As threats of riot and bloodshed spread
throughout the country, the infant govern-
ment of Pierre Pflimlin has taken drastic
steps to remain in power despite the growing
call for Gen. Charles de Gaulle, wartime hero
of the Republic.
"Appelons de Gaulle, et la France sera la
France;" proclaim posters in the suburbs of
Parisian chaos. "Let us summon de Gaulle,
and France will be France!" 'In an almost fa-
natic surge de Gaulle's popularity has been
boosted by ardent supporters, two of whom
were forced to flee Paris for the more welcom-
ing arms of Algerian de Gaullists yesterday.
Fifteen years ago de Gaulle was in power.
The revered general of World War II held the
premiership of France for two years, from 1944
to 1946. Then his government, as those before
and after, tumbled.
CHANCES are that the French rejected de
Gaulle then because he was a military man
a strong and able general who had contributed
greatly to his country's cause in the war ef-
fort. But this very strength was his downfall.
Some have called Charles de Gaulle another
Napoleon, a name which splits the emotions
of Frenchmen. They may yearn for the glory
and splendor which went with the name of
Bonaparte; yet they intensely fear the dic-
tatorship which was equally displayed.
De Gaulle has seen this fear. Yesterday he
told a press conference that he would not be-
come a dictator if he came to power, but would
abide by the legal statutes of the Republic.
But it is not how de Gaulle would behave
as Premier which is the largest problem con-
fronting France at this moment. It is how de
Gaulle is going to become Premier, if he does.
His supporters claim that the general would
bring stability to France. Yet, if he gets in it
will be through a rabid and wild campaign,
which has hardly had time enough to be
thought out by its leaders. He will be' the
choice of men who fled France; he will be the
choice of men in wayward Algeria. The ques-
tion is, would he be the choice of the French
people?
FRANCE is in a crisis as it is. The mob scenes
for de Gaulle are not helping, although they
may bring a relatively stable man into power.
But can one man, even the most stable and
competent, override the pressures and un-
thinking enthusiasm upon which his power
is based?.
It is a paradox, and France needs paradoxes
less than any country in the world. There is
obviously a strong element for de Gaulle, but
does its strength lie far behind the surface?
It is hard to tell, for de Gaulle's campaign has
been ; virtual riot.
He, perhaps, has shown the steadiest con-
trol of the situation, and this may be a factor
in his favor. He hasn't been swept in the near
revolutionary torrent of emotions which have
caught the men who are pushing him.
But it is impossible to tell whether a man
who comes into an office as tottering as the
Premiership of France can' rise on the crest
of a raging wave without finding himself a
little unsteady after the crest has subsided.
-BROOKE TOMPKINS
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LATIN AMERICA:
Anti-U.S. Sentiments Spread
By FRED L. STROZIER
RIO DE JANEIRO, Brazil (RP)-
Vice-President Nixon has just
completed a rough and riotous
19-day tour of eight South Ameri-
can countries intended to build
good will.*.
Instead, riots and demonstra-
tions showing resentment against
Nixon as a symbol of the U.S.
government spelled out perhaps
the blackest chapter in inter-
American relations since before
the Good Neighbor policy was de-
vised in the late 20s.
Such deep irritation had not
been shown publicly since the
United States used to interfere in
the business of her weaker neigh-
bors by sending in Marines to pre-
serve order, as was done in Nicar-
agua and Haiti 30-odd years ago.
THE AVERAGE American well
well ask what it's all about.
The easy way would be to brush
it all off by blaming the Com-
mies. Communist influence was
clear at every spot where Nixon
ran into trouble.
Whether or not Nixon's trouble
was organized on a continent-wide
basis, certainly the Commies and
their pals took advantage of the
Nixon visit and U.S. difficulties
with its South American neighbors
to make things worse. .
Relations between the United
States. was too friendly with the
Argentine dictator, Juan Peron.
This was at the very time when
Peron was doing his best to stran-
gle Uruguay's economy.
Sometimes it looked to the
Uruguayans as if the United States
were on the side of their enemy.
Uruguay has suffered tough eco-
nomic reverses, and it's easy to
blame the United States whether
the blame is justified or not.
Argentina has suffered from the
U.S. sale of surplus wheat to its
traditional customers such as Bra-
zil. Nixon's trip was planned for
him to attend the inauguration of
Argentina's new president, Arturo
Frondizi. In the inaugural, Fron-
dizi said the sale of such surpluses
was dumping and something must
be done about it.
* *.9
PARAGUAY'S dictator, Presi-
dent Alfredo Stroessner, gets along
fine with Uncle Sam. He has few
economic problems.
Bolivia ekes out a precarious liv-
ing with the help of free U.S.
wheat. If this aid is not greatly
increased, Bolivia's government
will fall easily into the hands of
Communists or other extremists.
In Peru and Chile, the low prices.
of metals hurt badly. Feelings are
rubbed raw when U.S. political
leaders try to exclude South Amer-
ican minerals or limit their im-
portation to protect the mining
industry back home.
Chile's president, Carlos Ibanez,
cancelled a planned trip to Wash-
ington after President Eisenhow-
er's administration threatened new
import duties on Chilean copper.
Nixon did not visit Chile because
he had expected Ibanez to be away,
but it is certain he would have
gotten less than a cordial welcome
there.
Colombia, like Brazil, is worried
most about what will happen to
the price of coffee.
As an example of how deeply
feelings may go, many Colombians
have not forgotten that the terri-
tory occupied by the Republic of
Panama and the Panama Canal
Zone once belonged to Colombia.
* * *
They blame Teddy Roosevelt for
fomenting the revolution that
broke Panama away from Colom-
bia, to make a better deal from
the U.S. standpoint for the Canal
Zone territory.
Brazil has been considered the
best friend of the United States
in South America. Nixon made a
good will visit here two years ago
and was enthusiastically received.
Now, with business bad, inflation
raging and the coffee market stag-
nant, his reception might be con-
siderably less cordial.
Latins think Uncle Sam doesn't
understand. Nixon said the same
thing, in reverse, in La Paz. He
told an interviewer he had found a
sad lack of understanding in South
America of U.S. problems.
more than a humorous exercise; it
ciety and the values within it. In
the "Second Man," there is the
same attempt to introduce the
hackneyed philosophy of decency
and honesty within the frame-
work of a valueless, pleasure-lov-
ing society But the pleas for re-
formation are only words thrown
across the tops of cocktail glasses.
Behrman's attempt to contrast
theridiculous impossibility of
clean living to the temptations of
an easy existence is obvious. He
goes more than half-way to build
the disillusionment of his charac-
ters as it is conveyed by the stim-
ulating maintenance of mood. But
the play is inconsistent in that it
presses too frantically for a finish
where the good finds the good,
and the naughty just enjoy them-
selves. There is no balance be-
tween the wry seriousness and
surface shin that compose suc-
cessful comedy. Somehow, we feel
that Behrman changed his atti-
tude toward the dryness of the
comedy in the midst of the play.
. * *
FORTUNATELY, the charac-
terizations were generally good,
and the players wore the albatross
of this dramatic vehicle, bravely
about their necks. Vicki Cum-
mings as'the wealthy matron was
warmly amusing in her sharp
handling of the role, but her emo-
tional reactions tended to become
similar. Hurd Hatfield carried the
staccato mood excellently; -he,
too, depended on continuity of re-
action, and greater variation in'
response would have alternated
the pitch, from the continuous
high point. Ralph Purdum over-
worked, but was competent, and
Ann Hillary, as the ingenue, near-
ly walked away with the show.
. -Sandy Edelman
INTERPRETING:
Britain
Cautious
By J. M. ROBERTS
Associated Press News Analyst
GREAT BRITAIN and the United
States are both walking softly
in the French crisis over Algeria,
and Britain is walking even more
softly in the Lebanese case.
Whatever they once thought
about Algeria as an international
problem, they recognize the pres-
ent upheaval as primarily involv-
ing French politics no matter how
grave its Implication's may be with
regard to the North Atlantic
Treaty Organization.
There is a certain amount of
relief that De Gaulle has repudi-
ated any desire to become a dic-
tator, and confidence in his sin-
cerity.
Yet, there is also a feeling that
his very disavowal has removed
some of the urgency under which
the French Assembly strongly sup-
ported the Pflimlin government
last Friday.
*"*
ANOTHER TEST of the gov-
ernment's strength will come on a
measure to extend to Algiers the
emergency powers already voted
for Pfiimlin in France.
Of interest regarding the Anglo-
American attitude toward Algiers
is that Paris, always claiming Al-
giers an integral part of France,
nevertheless always handles it sep-
arately.
With regard to Lebanon, the
British and American governments
are agreed the little country's gov-
ernment should be free to handle
its own affairs without outside
pressure.
Britain's Foreign Minister Sel-
wyn-Lloyd, however, expresses
greater confidence in this than
anyone in the United States.
* *-*
ONE OF THE troubles with set-
ting a firm Anglo-American policy
regarding Lebanon is that, while
Nasser's United Arab Republic has
been conducting an agitation cam-
paign, there are other issues.
Among them is an effort by Presi-
dent Chaumoun's friends to get
+he nn aifntn ni-in r i n han -nor
becomes a subtle comment pn so-
AT THE MICHIGAN:
S heepman'
Needs ip
"T HE SHEEPMAN" is a highly
significant bit of symbolic
cinema; offering an audience a
challenging but chaotic beginning
which tightens up scene by scene,
until all the loose ends are tucked
into a neat bundle to be dropped
in the nearest trash barrel.
One may summarize the flimsy
plot in this way: the forces of
free enterprise, namely squint-
eyed Glenn Ford, struggle and
eventually overpower the forces of
entrenched conservatism, led on
by a repulsive assortment of ex-
tras.
Then again, one might sum.
marize the flimsy plot like this:
When squint-eyed Glenn Ford
brings his sheep into cattle coun-
try, it looks like he's a mutton-
head. But rather than take it on
the lamb, Ford says "Baaaah',, to
this humbug, and pulls the wool
over the evil eyes of the badman,
wouldn't ewe know.
* * *
SHIRLEY MacLaine is the one
bright spot in. this dismal picture.
After finding that her father is
a narrow-minded cattleman, her
fiance is a thief, her friends are
fools, and her arches have fallen,
Shirley grins. And even after
Glenn shoots her fiance, and
steals her wagon, she just grins
sheepishly and takes him out to
lunch.
Not even Brigitte Bardot with
her atomic bomb neckline (80.per
cent fallout) can compete with
Shirley, MacLaine, because this
girl is really gay. But the rest of
the cast is grim.
Now, if you like seeing the dirty
lousy crooks get shot down by
clean living Glenn Ford, if you
like seeing a filthy bunch of sheep
run -all over, if youlike seeing fat
slobs get beat up, and shot, ,or if
you just like seeing Shirley, then
go see "The Sheepman."
If, by some obscure whim of
fate, you have not the stomach for
such matter, then by all means
beware.
--David Kessel
~ DAILY
OFFICIAL
BULETIN
Lr
The Daily Official Bulletin is an
official publication of the Univer-
sity of Michigan for which the
Michigan Daily assumes no editor-
ial responsibility. Notices should be
before 2 p.m. the day preceding
publication. Notices for Stinday
sent in TYPEWRITTEN form to
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Daily due at 2:00 p.m. Friday.
TUESDAY, MAY 20, 1958
VOL. LXVII, NO. 166
General Notices
Orean E. Scott Freshman Prize win-
ners whoEdid not pick up their books
at the May 9 Convocation may obtain
them by reporting to the Dean of Men's
Office, 2011 S.A.B.
June graduates may now order, their
caps and gowns at Moe's Sport Shop
on North University.
Seventh Annual Meeting of the So-
ciety for the Study of the Findings of
the Detroit Area Study. Tues., May 20;
Thurs., May 22; Tues., May 27, and
Thurs., May 29, at 1:10-3:15 p.m., W.
Conf. Rm., Rackham Bldg.
Lectures
Dr. David Hamburg of the National
Institute of Mental Health will pre-
sent a University Lecture here on Tues.
May 20, 8:00 p.m. in the Auditorium of
Children's Psychiatric Hospital. The
topic will be "Psychological Stress and
Endocrine Function." This lecture is
sponsored by the Department of Psy-
chiatry.
Speech Assembly: Short speeches by
6 students, who will be introduced by
6 other students, all from Speech 31
ui.
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FRENCH LEADER:
'L'Etat'-Could It Be De Gaulle?
'A
China's Role Deserves Recognition
RECENT developments behind the Iron Cur-
tain have demonstrated that our present
policy of non-recognition of Communist China
must be re-examined. China, ten years ago,
was a country that could be ignored without
any serious consequences to the United States.
Today, China is no longer a dominated, back-
ward satellite of Russia but has developed into
a nation that must be considered a partner of
Russia.
These observations are based on Polish in-
terpretations of events behind the Iron Curtain.
Russia in the last few weeks has made startling
reversals in international politics. Instead of
pressing for universal disarmament as they
have in the past, they are now trying to thwart
any plans that are proposed. These Polish
sources have decided that Communist China is
the main force behind these decisions. They
feel that China does not desire any decrease of
Editorial Stafff
PETER ECKSTEIN, Editor
JAMES ELSMAN, JR. VERNON NAHRANG
Editorial Director City Editor
DONNA HANSON................ Personnel Director
CAROL PRINS.....................Magazine Editor
EDWARD GE.ULDSEN .. Associate Editorial Director
WILLIAM HANEY................... Features Editor
ROSE PERLBERG.....................Activities Editor
JAMES BAAD .............Sports Editor
BRUCE BENNETT ............ Associate Sports Editor
JOHN HILLYER ........ . Associate Sports Editor
DIANE, FRASER ............ Assoc. Activities Editor
THOMAS BLUES .......... Assoc. Personnel Director
BRUCE BAILEY................ Chief Photographer
world tension at a time when they are not even
recognized by many nations of the world.
China's leaders wish to take part in any in-
ternational conferences designed to resolve
world problems for only in this way can their
interests be protected.
It is hard to see how any nation can look
at the power of China and still refuse to recog-
nize it as a nation. One aspect of this power can
be seen in the very fact that China is able to
influence Russian foreign policy on such an im-
portant issue as world peace. We must recog-
nize that China is no longer the backward
country that the European countries and the
United States were able to take over so easily
in the late 19th century, but has become in
reality one of the great powers of the world.
Scientifically China had progressed to the
point where it was reported they are considering
firing an earth satellite into orbit in the near
future.
It must be conceded that recognition of Com-
munist China would completely destroy all
hopes of Nationalist China regaining the control
of the mainland. However any possibility that
existen in 1948 has all but vanished today in
the face of superior Communist forces and a
relatively contented Chinese nation,
THERE ARE no longer any reasons for contin-
ued non-recognition that can be considered
to be valid. All excuses have evaporated in the
realistic light of China's great power today. .
The United States can no longer think of
Communist China as a land of peasants that
can be sat with. It is necessary to realize that
By NAN MARKEL
Daily Staff Writer
IT IS obvious that Gen. Charles
de Gaulle wishes to take over
the government of France. It is
less obvious how he will do it --
if he succeeds.
Some assert that "the strong
man" intends to become a dicta-
tor. Others conceive of him as
another in a long, long line of
French premiers.
In a news conference yesterday,
he asked, "Have I ever attacked
the fundamental liberties of the
republic? No, I have restored
them. How would you have me
at 67 start a career as a dictator?"
On the other hand, he has always
called for a powerful executive
and decried the multitudinous
parties' weakening effects.
Whom is the man upon whom
the Algerian spotlight has focused
- savior or despoiler of the
French?
DURING World War II, de
Gaulle commanded France's me-
chanized forces. After France sur-
rendered, he headed the Free
French Army and became symbol
of the French resistance. He was
president of the provisional gov-
ernment of France from 1944 to
1946, but he resigned from office
over failure to obtain a constitu-
tion which would have given real
authority to the government's
chief executive to check the legis-
lature. He has been out of politics
since the disintegration in 1953 of
the "Rally of the French People"
tam way. This is inspired by sen-
timent as much as by reason. The
emotional side of me tends to
imagine France, like the princess
in the fairy stories or the Madon-
na in the frescoes, as dedicated to
an exalted and exceptional des-
tiny . . . to my mind, France can-
not be France without greatness."
Perhaps de Gaulle is the knight
who will rescue the fairy princess
in trouble. Yet, his tradition -
the tradition of the military -
has never had consistent appeal
to the French. The average
Frenchman holds a suspicion for
too strong a central power. For
the Frenchman, the state is, in a
sense, an enemy.
The French First Republic runs
a curious parallel to the present
Fourth Republic. It withstood the
shocks of right and left wings, as
has the Fourth Republic, until it
was too weak to cope with any-
thing else. Napoleon's coup d'etat
was not too difficult. Successive
republics have endured the same
fate. The Second Republic bowed
to Napoleon II; the Third Repub-
lic bowed to a German strong-arm
invasion.
FRENCHMEN have a long
memory. Distrust for power may
be a reaction to a pattern of mem-
ories. But the cycle is consistent,
and it may continue to be consis-
tent. De Gaulle, acting in the
military tradition, could complete
a cycle of weak-and-strong.
Or, de Gaulle could revise the
pattern. "De Gaulle is not a man
termination to wait until he is
called to power indicates a will to
come to power legally.
Conceivably, if the Pflimlin gov-
ernment resigns, and if the Na-
tional Assembly accepts him and
his conditions under which it
would abdicate all powers to him,
de Gaulle could be appointed as
the new premier. This would open
the way to a suppression of the
parties and possibly a new con-
stitution establishing the kind of
government de Gaulle would
want - a "Presidential" govern-
ment with strong executive powers
backed by a legislative body whose
loyalties would go beyond party
lines.
A dilemma confronts de Gaulle,
and the French. Pflimlin has com-
mitted himself to forestall a de
Gaulle attempt to' seize power
through legal means. De Gaulle
has committed his hand to gain-
ing power. The question remains
whether he will do it by extra-
legal means.
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