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March 24, 1956 - Image 2

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Michigan Daily, 1956-03-24

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Sixty-Sixth Year

Remember Those Davy Crockett Caps You Had On Sale?'

Ft- =e--It,
'en Opinions Are Free,
Truth Will Prevail"

:ditorials printed in The Michigan Daily express the individual opinions of staff writers or
the editors. This must be. noted in all reprints.



I"URDAY, MARCH 24, 1956


Faeulty Civil Rights Report
Fair to Both Sides

THE AAUP Committee report on faculty civil
rights controversies is an excellent post-
mortem of the University's actions of May, 1954.
Suspensions and subsequent dismissals of H.
Chandler Davis and Prof. Mark Nickerson caus-
ed debate and dissension among University
factions almost without parallel.
When President Hatcher announced the Uni-
rersity's.policy of "cooperation" (with investi-
gating committees) those opposed to that policy
regarded it as a total betrayal of the ideals of
academic freedom. k
As the hearings progressed nothing could
persuade the President's antagonists that due
process was being accorded. Nothing could
persuade them that his actions could by any
standards be valid.
Perhaps for many of both sides the emo-
ional involvement and the heat of the moment
prevented them from seeing the forest for the
rees. N
The AAUP Committee has done a good job
of seeing the forest.
IN A SENSE their report is a vindication of
the University's policies. Not that the AAUP
agrees with the President's views -- they are
still in steadfast opposition. The important
point, though, is that they give credit, and
ustly so, to opposing views honestly and sin-
,erely arrived at.
In effect the report admits that on some of
he basic issues it is possible for there to exist
i reasonable difference of opinion among reas-
mable men. The report credits the adminis-
ration with basing its judgments on justi-
itations "not necessarily invalid."

It is by now a common platitude that differ-
ence of opinion is the keynote to intellectual
advancement-that free views must be allowed,
above all, in the universities. AAUP appli-
cation of this principle to differences of opinion
as to what constitutes academic freedom it-
self is noteworthy.
The one disturbing point is failure of the
University to grant severance pay. Although
the committee condemned the University on
this point it did not consider it a basic enough
violation of their code to invoke censure. It
is uifortunate the University failed to carry
through the policies. of fairness it initially
adopted. Their case would have been stronger
if they had.
THE AAUP report, titled Academic Freedom
and Tenure in the Quest for National Se-
curity, is a clear, coherent and logical ap-
proach to a difficult problem.
It defines the faculty member's obligations
to his institution in terms which leave no
doubt a clear obligation exists. Despite the
risk of self-incrimination incurred the report
claims faculty members have the duty of dis-
closure to their administration.
The report stands firmly behind faculty mem-
bers who invoke constitutional rights before
investigating committees or refuse to sign
loyalty oaths. It should.
The Committee has done a fine job. We urge
adoption of its report both by the local branch
of AAUP and by the national group when it
meets in April.

f ,I

I it ..--
" x
r. i7 .
c, 1


Gold In
Them Thar
TVY Films
Daily Television Writer
TELEVISION films (or as they
are professionally known, vid-
pix) are now an integral part of
the television industry.
In the early years of television,
viewers were subjected to many
kinescoped programs and poor
quality films, both television films
and regular feature films. The live
program was in great demand. So
most of the "big" shows were
presented live. ,
Even the situation comedies of
early television were live. Today
you have to look a long way be-
fore you can find a live situation
comedy, or even a live half-hour
dramatic presentation.
* * *
THE REASON for this big
change is purely technical. Bet-
ter quality filming processes were
developed. Today you very rarely
hear anyone criticize a television
program because it is on film. This
was not the case five years ago.
There are obvious advantages
in filming shows. If you goof,
it has not gone on the air.' You
can film shows far enough in ad-
vance so you can take a vacation
while the show is still being seen.
And you can do a show in sec-
tions, which eases preparation.
But the major advantage in
filming television programs is not
so obvious. It can be summed up
in one word ... M-O-N-E-Y.
A brand new phrase has been
coined because of television films
-"re-runs." A re-run is a tele-
vision show or series which has
been filmed for network origina-
tion and then, in a year or so,
becomes available for national or
local presentation again, and
again, and again and again.
"I LOVE LUCY" and "Dragnet"
are the two prime examples. "The
Lucy Show" and "Badge 714" are
the old "Lucy" and "Dragnet"
series. And every time this film
is presented the original stars get
more money.
Surprisingly enough the public
seems to like re-runs. According
to a tecent rating both "I Love
Lucy" and "The Lucy Show" were
included in the top 10 of all na-
tional television shows.
To prove the profitability of re-
runs "Dragnet," in some cities, is
being shown for the fourth and
fifth times under the banner of
"Badge 714." In some cases per-
formers are receiving more in-
come from their re-runs than they
are from their regular shows.
The profitability is not limited
to the television performers. Desi-
lu, one of the big television film
companies, now produces more
film footage each week than does
M-G-M. And local advertisers
can capitalize on the success of
national shows by sponsoring their
re-runs locally.
Unknown singers, actors and
models who are fortunate enough
to participate in a filmed commer-
cial that is syndicated nationally
can almost retire until the adver-
tiser decides to drop that parti-
cular commercial.
If you really want to know
where the yellow went look in the
pockets of anyone who is con-
nected with a successful television

THE Daily Official Bulletin is an
official publication of the University
of Michigan for which the Michigan
Daily assumes no editorial responsi-
bility. Notices should be sent in
TYPEWRITTEN form to Room 3553
Administration Building before 2,pm.
the day preceding publication. Notices
for the Sunday edition must be in by
2 p.m. Friday.
General Notices
President and Mrs. Hatcher will hold
an open house for University faculty,
staff, and townspeople on Sun., March
25, from 4:00 to 6:00 p.m., at the Presi-
dent's House.
The University Club will hold its regu-
lar annual tea in honor of members of
the Faculty women's Club on Wednes-
day, March 28, from 3:30 to 5:30 in
University Club rooms in the Michigan
Union. The tea will also serve as an
open house for the remodeled quarters.
All members of the faculty and their
wives are Invited to attend.
Academic Notices
History 50 midsemester examination,
Tues., March 27, 9:00 a.m.: Eggert's and
solvick's sections in Natural Science
Auditorium; Lurie's sections in 102
Architecture; Brown's and Milligan's
sections in Aud. B, Angell Hall.
Placement Notices
The University of Pittsburgh, School
of Retailing, Pittsburgh, Pa., announces
Harvard-Radcliffe Program in Business
Administration, a 1 year graduate cur-
riculum for women offers instruction in
marketing, human relations, report
writing, administrative practices, per-
sonnel administration, etc. Some fel-
lowships offered.
The Girl Scouts of the U.S., National
Headquarters, wants Women for Girl
Scout Executive Careers.
Family Service Agency of Genesee
County, Flint, Michigan, offers Scholar-
ships fox Graduate Study in Social
Martin E. Stegal & Co., New York, is
looking for a young man or woman with
a degree In Math or Actuarial Science
who would be interested in an actuarial
career in the pension consultant field.
There is a book on Social Work Fel-
lowships & Scholarships in the U.S. and
Canada at the Bureau of Appointments
The New York State Civil Service Dept.
will conduct a Professional and Techni-
cal Assistant examination on May 12.
Correction Institutions of New York
need Men and Women for Prison Guards,
Criminal Hospital Attendants.
New York State Civil Service announ-
ces opening for Dentists, Pharmacists,
Veterinarians, Nurses, Engineers, Archi-
Itects, Construction Workers, Scientists,
Statisticians, Accountants, Teachers,
Social Workers, Artists.
Board of U.S. Civil Service Examiners
for the Detroit Arsenal announces ex-
armination for Student Trainee in Engi-
U.S. Civil Service Commission an-
nounces an examination for Criminal
Michigan Civil Service announces
openings for the following positions,
Accontant, Airport Engineers, Nursing,
Student Engineering Aide, & Personnel
Methods Trainee.
For further information cpntact the
Bureau of Appointments, 3528 Admins-
tration Bldg., Ext. 371.
New Books at Library
Allen, Dexter-Coil of the Serp-
ent; N.Y., Coward-McCann, 1956.
Boucher, Anthony, ed. - The
Best from Fantasy and Science
Fiction; N.Y., Doubleday, 1956.
Boynton, Mary Fuertes, ed.--
Louis Agissiz Fuertes; N.Y., Ox-
ford University Press, 1956.
Buke, Norah-Jungle Child;
N.Y., Norton, 1956.






Post-Primary Soul-Searching

Foreign Aid Trouble


THIS IS THE TIME when ,each year the
President has to go to Congress, asking it
to vote American money for the use of foreign
governments. Congress is always reluctant to
do this. But it has never been so reluctant as
it is now. There are not only those who do not
want to give away American money.
This year, there are also those who, though
they have been supporting foreign aid, are
quite unhappy with the way it is now working.
The administration will, it seems to me, do
better if, in arguing its case, it takes Congress
more clearly and candidly into its confidence..
The central fact in the whole business is that
the old policy of foreign aid has now to be
thoroughly reappraised and drastically revised
-that these changes cannot be worked out
before June 30 when the time for appropria-
tions expires-and that Congress is really be-
ing asked to keep the flow of funds going
while a new policy is being worked out. Though
almost nothing of the sort is said plainly in
the President's message, this is what is im-
plied in the request for greater "flexibility."
Congress is, in fact, being asked to give the
administration time and opportunity to work
out the changes in foreign aid which have
become necessary because of the great changes
in the world situation. The administration,
though it is aware that the policy has to be
revised, is not now able to tell Congress what
the revisions will be. Yet it is not safe to cut
off the old program, to stop the flow of funds,
and then to start all over again later on when
the revised policy has been worked out.
I would suppose that to argue the case this
way would appeal to the coimon sense of
those who are not opposed to foreign aid in
principle but are unhappy about much of what
is now happening.
Our post-war foreign aid policy was origi-
nally conceived at the time of the Marshall Plan
in 19j7-'48. Since then there have been very
greatchanges in the world situation. Then we
still had a monopoly in nuclear weapons. We
now have arrived at a balance of power which
has produced a military stalemate. Further-
more, when the United States foreign aid
policy was first adopted, the Soviet Union had
not yet emerged from its economic isolation
to become a competitor in the economic world.
There have been other great developmeits,
such as the economic recovery of Western Eur-
ope the reappearance of Germany and Japan
as big powers, the rise of China as a great
power in Asia, and a very large increase in
the power of the peoples of South Asia and
North Africa.
We have come to the end of the time when
the non-.Communist world is willing or is com-
pelled to look solely to Washington for economic
aid. We are living in a time when almost all
of the countries which have been receiving aid
from us feel that we have a competitor in the
Soviet Union, and that they are now in a posi-
tion to bargain with both of the two super-
THE MILITARY stalemate is having a pro-
found impact on the whole business of mili-
tary aid, which is, of course, the preponderant
part of our existing program. In all the coun-
tries which do not themselves have nuclear

truly modern armaments--has produced, as it
was bound to produce, various forms of mili-
tary neutralism in the countries which do not
have nuclear armaments. It seems almost cer-
tain therefore, that our emphasis on military
aid will have to diminish. The administration's
foreign aid estimates to Congress do not show
this change of emphasis. But there are al-
ready signs of the change in the way Mr. Dulles
has recently begun to talk about the Manila
and Bagdad pacts.
The emergence of the Soviet Union as an
economic power in the world will require deep
changes in our conception of foreign aid. We
have thought of that aid as at bottom a con-
tribution to consolidate our allies, and to pre-
vent inflation and economic collapse which
Communists would then be able to exploit.
This conception is still, broadly speaking,
valid in the countries that are wholly depend-
ent upon us-in South Korea, Formosa and
South Vietnam, But in India, the rest of South
Asia, in the Middle East and North Africa, the
situation is radically different. The countries
there are not dependent upon us because they
now have an alternative supplier of capital and
technical aid. The emergence of the Soviet Un-
ion as a competitor is one of the great historic
developments of our times. It is altering radi-
cally the position of the United States and of
its European allies, and it is enhancing enor-
mously the power of the native peoples who
were once part of the old European empires.
It is necessary to adapt our foreign aid poli-
cy, and in fact our foreign policy, to a situation
which no one took into account when post-war
foreign aid was first conceived about eight years
ago. This is that the uprising against the
West, which has been smoldering, has now
gotten the backing of the great power of the
Soviet Union.
We have to adapt our foreign aid to this
competitive situation, which means, among oth-
er things, that we shall not be able to attach
many military and political strings to our con-
tributions. Yet we shall have to go on with
foreign aid. For we cannot refuse to compete,
leaving to the Soviet Union by default a mono-
poly in the under-developed countries of South
Asia and North Africa.
THE PRESIDENT says in his message that
his program of foreign aid "is a demand of
the highest priority on our resources," and "as
fundamental to our own security and well-being
as the maintenance of our own armed forces."
This is, of course, true and it is an essential
reason for continuing foreign aid. But it is
not the sole reason. Beyond the urgency of
obvious self-interest, the United States has, I
hold, a moral obligation to the less fortunate
We cannot justify the enjoyment of our high
standard of living without helping other coun-
tries to proceed along the same road. Without
our help, the gap between the richer and the
poorer countries is bound to widen.
Although our obligation is humanitarian, it
is not only that. We have a deeper moral ob-
ligation. With less than 10 per cent of the
non-Communist world's population, and only
8 per cent of its area, the United States is con-

A LOT of soul-searching took
place after the Kefauver sweep
in Minnesota. It took place on
several sides-some by the Re-
publicans, a lot more by Steven-
son leaders, perhaps most by Con-
servative Democrats of the stop-
Kefauver school. Here are some
of the things they searched their
souls about:
Soul-searchers No. 1-The Re-
publicans. Their vote in Minne-
sota was less than half the total
Democratic vote. This could be ex-
plained by the fact that there
was no real GOP contest. On the
other hand, Eisenhower boosters
used four times as much radio-TV
time as Stevenson. So a haunting
fear faces GOP leaders that the
farm revolt goes deeper than they
thought, that the Republicans who
crossed over in hordes to vote for
Kefauver may stay crossed over
in November.
Soul-searchers No. 2-The Ad-
lai-ites. They now face some tough
primaries, the toughest being Flor-
ida and California. In both, Stever
enson and Kefauver will be cam-
paigning against each other, face-
to-face. The situation in Cali-
fornia is already shaping up like
that in Minnesota where Adlai's
boys got in early, lined up the

chief leaders of the Democratic
party, only to have this backfire.
* * *
IN CALIFORNIA, the stanchest
Estes-ites of 1952 began jumping
off his bandwagon for what they
considered a sure winner-Adlai.
Jimmy Roosevelt jumped. Con-
gressmen Chet Holifield, Clair
Engle, Fay Porter, all jumped from
Kefauver to Stevenson. Only a
small corps of devoted loyalists
with no money and little influence
stuck with Estes. Like Minnesota,
the California party bosses were
all for Adlai.
From that inauspicious start,
however, Kefauver stock in Cali-
fornia has zoomed. Private polls
taken by Stevenson in southern
California showed the two candi-
dates running neck and neck-and
this was four days before the Min-
nesota victory. In less populous
northern California, Stevenson was
ahead, but how he rates after
Kefauver's Minnesota victory is
anybody's guess.
stop-Estes Democrats. They are
led by Sen. Lyndon Johnson,
Speaker Sam Rayburn, and Sen.
Richard Russell of Georgia.
The stop-Estes Democrats are
inspired partly by personal jeal-
ousy, partly by the fact that
Kefauver leadership would take

party control completely out of
their hands. Some also remember
that Kefauver was the only South-
ern Democrat who stood up and
voted for "cloture," the all-im-
portant means of killing filibust-
ers against the Negro on Civil
What the Stop-Estes soul-
searchers have to worry about,
however, is that the Democratic
Party has to fight a Presidential
campaign with no dough in Demo-
cratic coffers and with plenty of
dough in Republican coffers. Ke-
fauver has shown that he can do
this. He is the only Democrat
since Truman who by old-fashion-
ed campaigning has offset the
power of new-fangled Ike-TV cam-
Another thing: Any Democrat
who wins in November must be
able to woo Republican voters.
This political axiom was why FDR
won in 1932. He wooed Republi-
can voters. The converse was true
in 1952 when Eisenhower pulled
Democratic votes over to the Re-
publican side. Kefauver appar-
ently has this knack of wooing
Independent voters. In Minneso-
ta he polled around 50,000 more
votes than Eisenhower.
This 1s going to be tough for the
Stop-Estes boys to overlook.
(Copyright 1956, by Bell Syndicate, Inc.)




I ,

Blames All White Men For Negro Murders


To the Editor:
1 FEEL that this letter is per-
haps superfluous in view of
Miss Judy Gregory's intelligent
and convincing refutation of Mr.
Reynolds' line of argument in
his recent pointlessly abusive at-
tack on Mr. Frymer.
Nevertheless, I have a few
points to make that I think are
long overdue in the debate con-
cerning Southern Negro-killing
and desegregation problems.
As far as Mr. Reynolds' epi-
thets are concerned ("sadistic
idiots"), I fail to see where the
"sadistic" applies to Mr. Frymer
or his able colleagues; but I can
very well see how it could fit-
tingly be applied to some South-
ern thugs and hoodlums who
have been permitted to intimi-
date, persecute and even kill
Negroes for a great many years
and who are still doing so. The
"idiots" too do not seem to me
to be found among Mr. Frymer's
friends but rather among those,
who, against all precepts of sci-
ence, reason and logic and in
open violation of the very prin-
ciples of Christianity, justice,
equality and decency, still insist
on treating the Negroes as sec-
ond-class citizens, members of
an inferior race, and among
those who perpetrate or hypo-
critically c o n d o n e outrageous
crimes against individual Neg-
roes or against the colored

tors whose criticism of Northern-
ers appeared not so long ago in
the Daily. Knowing full-well that
justice, morality and even the law
are 100% against the beliefs and
practices of the South, they take,
refuge in a cowardly and hypo-
critical position of "Let's wash our
hands, of this (like Pontius Pi-
late), we are not to blame. Please
understand us. And don't do any-
thing rash in order not to provoke
hatred and bloodshed." What
about the innocent blood that has
already been shed? The point is,
you are to blame! As long as even
one innocent Negro is murdered
and his assassins go unpunished,
it is every white man's fault! You
plead for time and understanding;
but you have had time, 100 years
almost, since the Civil War. And
have you accorded the Negro any
understanding? You and your an-
cestors are to blame; they, for
bringing the Negroes here in
chains and selling them like hum-
an cattle into slavery, you, only
in so far as you're not doing any-
thing to improve their lot. You
are to blame for being complacent
and apathetic! This is the only
position I can see, the only Chris-
tian position, the only just posi-
tion, the only reasonable position.
"Ah, but," you say, "think of
the poor Southerners and their
problems!" Frankly, I am no
longer interested in their prob-
lems. They have made their bed

perhaps in a few other states,
may be physically exterminated
by the southern brand of storm-
troopers or mentally and mor-
ally destroyed in that ignomin-
ious mockery of justice that
some Southerners have the ef-
frontery to call "law courts."
Furthermore, calling these
heinous crimes "the mistakes of
a few," as Mr. Reynolds did,
seems to me utterly ridiculous.
If it were only a question of a
few thugs, then why did the so-
called "judges" and "juries" who
tried the Till and Melton cases
acquit the men everyone knew
to be brutal assassins, with the
apparent public approval of the
white populace in that state?
Why do the few decent and lib-
eral editors, lawyers and church-
men among Southern whites
have to fear for their jobs, their
property, their safety and even
the safety of their wives and
Why was mob-rule in Montgom-
ery, Alabama, permitted to pre-
vail in the case of the Negro coed,
Autherine Lucy? And why is the
Negro not accorded equality be-
fore the law in education, oppor-
tunity or anything else, anywhere
in the "deep South?" Another
ridiculous contention is that of
the faint-hearted who claims that
the use of force to back up the
law would only increase violence
and even promote "another Civil

of the fanatics, the Neo-Nazis and
all those who advocate and prac-
tice open and violept defiance of
the law. For this kind of defiance
is as surely "un-American," un-
lawful and subversive as the acti-
vities of the Communists!
There can be no question of any
"civil war." Once the trouble-
makers and fanatics were under
control and a firm precedent were
established at some point, it is
perfectly obvious that the majori-
ty of Southerners (who might not
like desegregation but who are
probably more or less reasonable
and law-abiding people) together
with the (small) group of those
who are intelligent enough to know
what is right and brave enough to
fight for it, would then gain con-
trol of the situation, which, up to
now, has unfortunately been domi-
nated by the hot-heads and the
worst reactionaries, at least, in
some states.
Such a precedent, sorely needed,
would make it possible for mod-
erate, enlightened and cooler heads
in Dixieland to work out, in co-
operation with responsible Negro
leaders, a reasonably gradual and
equitable policy of compliance
with the law, backed by the moral
and physical force of the nation.
In conclusion, I.would like to
make one very serious point all
Americans would do well to con-
sider. About 20 years ago the
Germans ran "amuck" under


many of them in Russian slave-
labor camps, and their land badly
dismembered, much of it now in
the hands of their traditional Sla-
vic enemies, and controlled by
Communists at that!
It i$ as Jesus of Nazareth said!
"All those who take the sword,
will perish by the sword." (St.
Matthew, 26) Already far too
many men in the South have
"taken the sword" for far too
long a time!
We white men of the West, all
of us, Europeans and Americans
alike, are again faced with a ter-
rible threat to our entire way of
life and civilization.
It is up to us Americans now!
We can save our world or we
can lose it. We can convince the
untold millions in underdevol-
oped lands that we are sincere,
that we are their friends, that
we really believe in all the fine
principles of freedom, justice
and equality, etc., which we
are always verbally proclaiming.
Or we can convince them of the
fact that we are still a chip off
the old (British) block, that we
are still the arrogant white men
of old, the Anglo-Saxon "hypo-
crites," as many millions of for-
mer and present colonial people,
rightly or wrongly think of us.
Let us just remember that
every time one Negro is murd-
ered in Mississippi, more than







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