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PAGE.FOUR

THE MICHIG~AN DAILY

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Laying Down the Law

BOOKS]

By GENE HARTWIG
Daily Managing Editor
Annually the managing editor ventures forth in
these columns on the tradition, policies and prac-
tices of The Daily itself. Now an almost 65-year-
old institution on the Michigan campus, the paper
made its first appearance as a four column nine by
11 inch sheet advertising fraternity pins and car-
rying a story on "our canvas backed Rugby play-
ers" all on the front page.
In 65 years The Daily has come a long way to
be presently rated as one of the outstanding col-
lege dailies in the country, housed in a $500,000
plant that would turn the eye of many a small-
town publisher..
Mirroring the changing times of its lengthy ca-
reer, The Daily during the plush twenties man-
aged 20-page Sunday issues and piled up a reserve
big enough to pay for the present Publications
Building. With the depression-conscious student
body of the thirties, Daily writers painted pictures
of shattered idealism, isolationism and mixed en-
thusiasm for the ideas of the New Deal. The war
brought austerity and an almost all women staff
to the paper while the men went off to fight or
enrolled in the Navy V-12 program on campus.
A new intellectual vigor appeared on campus and
in the pages of The Daily with the veteran influx
after the war as the issues of a new student gov-
ernment and fraternity discriminatory clauses were
hotly debated. This in turn resolved itself into the

responsibility-oriented "silent generation" of the
present era.
With the history has grown a tradition which de-
mands the best of everyone on the paper and stout-
ly maintains the right to print and freely com-
ment on any subject so long as it confroms to stan-
dards of good taste and our Code of Ethics.
Inherent in the tradition is the belief that dis-
sent and the right to express the unpopular
point of view is in the long run in the best in-
terest of the University and is in fact vital to
the continued growth of its educational function.
On this point only does The Daily approach
what might be called an editorial policy. On sin-
gle issues opinions expressed on the editorial
pages are those of the writer alone or of a group
of editors coming to agreement on an issue as
in the occasional senior editorials.
As the only student paper on campus The Daily
has resisted becoming the official mouthpiece of
any one group in the University whether it be stu-
dent government, political faction or Administra-
tion. At the same time the paper has been conscious
of the responsibility this independence imposes to
present all sides of an issue in so far as there are
those willing to come forward and express them-
selves in editorials and letters to the editor.
At the beginning ,of a year of news reporting
and editorializing, The Daily looks forward to con-
tinuing to build its tradition of integrity in journal-
ism and unfettered editorial freedom in approach-
ing the issues that are bound to face the campus.

St. Vincent Millay, Harper
Brothers, New York.

and


ON THE

The Nature of Coexistence:
Appeasement or Common Sense

WASHINGTOND
MERRY-GO-ROUND

WITH DREW PEARSON

.

T HE INTELLIGENT management of our foreign
affairs is currently hampered by the existence
of a number of stubborn, reiterated myths.
The most pervasive of these is the strange notion
that the goal of co-existence with the Soviet Un-
ion is equivalent to appeasement or treason. Only
occasionally is this myth specifically analyzed and
attacked, sometimes by men like Churchill, Adlai
Stevenson and Walter Lippman.
But it is difficult to imagine any other reason-
able goal than that of co-existence. The alterna-
tives to co-existence are such strategic monstrosi-
ties as "liberation of Eastern Europe" (a Republi-
can -slogan of the 1952 election), "drive to the
North" (the reiterated cry of Korean President
Rhee), and "let Chiang loose" (a fantasy of cer-
tain U.S. senators in which Formosa's 300,000 sol-
diers successfully conquer the Chinese land-mass.)
All such proposals, besides being militarily ab-
surd, threaten to precipitate World War II. Re-
publican orators, who are largely responsible for
them, may privately be quite willing to take
such risks. But to those who retain a sense of
reality, it is apparent that war is no longer an
extension of peace-time policy, no longer a
means whereby goals otherwise unattainable are
attained. An American-Soviet war, fought with
such weapons as were recently detonated in the
Pacific, would mean the end of all goals. It
would mean that, unable to solve our problems,
we have decided to end the collective life of hu-
manity.
A policy of co-existence, therefore, is neither
treason or appeasement. It is defined negatively
by the rejection of World War III as a meaningful

device of policy, and positively iby the belief that it
is possible for free societies to persist and develop
despite the existence of a hostile Soviet power-bloc.
A policy of co-existence assiduously seeks the
means to prevent the expansion of Soviet influ-
ence and to weaken Soviet control along the peri-
phery of the Communist world, but it does not
view the destruction of Soviet power by war as a
sensible course. Such a policy requires the judi-
cious use of all our resources-idealogical and eco-
nomic, as well as military--and above all, as Chur-
chill has recently reminded us, patience.
It is easy for Americans to fall into the psy-
chology of complete victory that has characterized
our military past. We are not used to prolonged
frustrations, nor to the impossibility of a decisive
end to our difficulties.
Having never experienced modern mass warfare
on our own territory, many Americans can still
contemplate the possibility of armed conflict with
Russia without the shuddering recoil with which
Europeans view such a war. For many Americans,
the H-bomb is chiefly a spectacle for television
screens and newsreels, or only a tribute to our skill
and resources.
Hence the fear of other nations that we are
too susceptible to dramatic proposals involving
military counterstrokes and offering the illusory
hope of a satisfactory end to the Cold War.
It is to be hoped that the United States will
supplement its understandable yearning for a
quick end to ambiguities and complexities with
one of our traditional national traits-cool, Yan-
kee shrewdness.
-Allan Silver

CURN MOVIE) *
A rchitecture Auditorium ..,.tions it is remarkable that each part is filled so
well that the viewer is unaware of conscious acting
A TREE GROWS IN BROOKLYN with James by the performers. John Nolan as played by James
Dunn and Dorothy McGuire Dunn fills the screen with his warm etherial dreams
that give his friends and family a chance to es-
A TREE GROWS IN BROOKLYN is a warm, in- cape from the harsh reality of their existence. His
timate story about people rather than situations, boyish inability to cope with life is etched sharply
It's personal qualities make the episodes in the story against the drabness of his wife's drudgery in try-
seem a part of a continuous line of action that ing to support her brood.
never has an actual beginning or an end. Mixed in Dorothy McGuire in the role of Kate Nolan
with one family's life are fragments of many lives must be mother not only to her children but to
giving credence to the theory of the interdependence her husband as well, but unknown to her is the
of human society, role her husband plays with his pipe dreams in
The plot picks up the thread of a poor Irish making life that much easier for her to bear. Her
family's existence in Brooklyn at the turn of the search for perfection is rewarded by the know-
century. John Nolan is the legandary singing ledge that the imperfect may actually be perfect.
waiter whose warm Celtic personality is his only The two children lend a spontaneity to the story
contribution to the family welfare. His wife, Kate, that makes one feel that adjustment is not absolute
maintains the finances while losing her zest for but always relative to each situation. In particu-
life among the more pressing material demands. lar, although Peggy Ann has the larger role, Ted
The children, Francis and Neilly, find their lives Danielson as Neilly is more substantial in his
make grownups of them before they have time characterization. He meets the exigencies of life
really to be children. The entire plot is inter- with more zest than the others. He had his father's
twined with the demands of the family and the cheerfulness and his mother's practicality. You
outside world all held together by the funda- feel certain that he will thrive and prosper among
mental will to live. the teeming millions of Brooklyn.
Since this film depends so much on characteriza- -Dick Wolf
+ MUSIC +

Presidential ambitions are some- He is absent during ensuing de-
times made or unmade months in bate. If, on the other nand, there is
advance. Sometimes an event no fixed time for voting, senators
which the candidate himself does- must be on hand to answer quorum
n't dream is momentous turns a calls.
corner up or down in his hope to And the group of senators who
be president. held up the atomic bill felt it was
Two such events probably oc- important that the remainder of
curred recently in the lives of two the Senate be present and get edu-
young men from the two biggest cated. They didn't want to be
states in the uniontboth of whom speaking to empty chairs. They al-
want to be president of the United so argued that the atomic bill was
States more than any other thing being so rushed that prints of the
in the world. bill were available only one day
They are William Knowland of before the debate started. Few sen-
California, the Senate Republican ators, they argued, knew what was
leader; and Lyndon Johnson of really in this historic proposal to
Texas, the Senate Democratic turn atomic energy over to private
leader. industry.
Johnson has been writtling down Knowiand Gets Stubborn
his chances for the Democratic So they sent word to Knowland
nomination for some time, chiefly they would call off the filibuster
by failing to realize that no Demo- after a vote on three amendments,
crat can become president these but that while voluntarily curtail-
days without the liberal, labor, ing debate they would not agree to
big-city vote of the North. He can unanimous c n s e n t. Knowland,
be nominated without this vote, however, got stubborn. He broke
but not elected. up the peace conference with about
On top of this, Johnson's cooper- as much agreement as the recent
ation with Republican Knowland to Geneva Conference. Despite this,
break the back of the Democratic the Senate liberals decided to go
filibuster will not be readily for- ahead with their plan anyway.
given by a powerful group of At the time Morse refused
Democrats. They are already torgive ground (the third sen-
planning to make Alben Barkley! ator to do so) Knowland, who
Democratic leader next year if re- had made good progress on his
elected to the Senate. bill despite himself, really lost his
Battle Ab Sacramento head. He moved to table Morse's
The political events in Bill amendment, meaning that Morse
Knowland'slife which take him would not be able to talk on it at
Knolan s ifewhih tke imall. Morse was so mad you could
further away from the presidencyal.Mrewsomdyucud
artwo. Oneyfmthe resides ahave fried an egg on his forehead,
climax the weekend when Know- but he didn't show it. When Clint
land flies to Sacramento where Anderson, who was heartbroken to
California Republicans meet to see a whole day of hard diplo-
elect new leaders. Should Know- matic labor washed down the
land be able to 4nstall his own drain, went over to his friend and
followers as the leaders of Califor- tried to smooth things over, Morse
nia republicanism, he might re- was calm and collected.
gain much of the ground he re- "Just you go on home," he told
cently lost in Washington. his friend from New Mexico, "I'll
But that isn't likely. For what's still be talking when you get
happened in California is that the back here in the morning."
potent political organization whih That was how Wayne Morse hap-
supported Knowland in the past pened to talk all night and half
largely evaporated when Gov. the next day, not on his amend-
Earl Warren stepped up to the ment, but on the bill.
Supreme Court. And Knowland could have avoid-
1: has been taken over in part ed all of it by a little understand-
by Gov. "Goody" Knight, in larg- ing of human nature.
er part by Vice President Nixon. That was why some Republicans
And the real battle in Sacramento privately concurred with the Dem-
this week end will be between ocratic senator from West Virgin-
these two men. Whoever comes ia, Matt Neely, when he told the
out on top will control the sizable Senate;
California delegation to the Repub- "The majority leader is no more
lican convention in 1956. Knowland qualified for his present role than
has now thrown his weight behind he is for any other."
Governor Knight and against Vice (Copyright, 1954, by the Bell Syndicate)
President Nixon, but the chances
are Nixon will win.(
BullheadednessG
Meanwhile, what has hurt Know- + j ±
land most in Washington is his
bullheadedness. This has even won
him a new nickname in Senate Sixty-Fifth Year
cloakrooms-"Jug-Head." Senators Edited and managed by students of
admire Know 1 a n d ' s courage. the University of Michigan under the
authority of the Board in Control of
upon his honesty. But they deplore ___dentPubiat__ns_
his failure to understand human Editorial Staff
nature, his aptitude for being stub- Eugene Hartwig......Managing Editor
born at the wrong time. Dorothy Myers ........... .....City Editor
This has lost him more support Jon Sobeoff..........Editorial Director
than any political factor. Many Pat Roelofs.......Associate City Editor
senators, for instance, will not eas- Nan Swinehart........Associate Editor
ily forget or forgive the fact that Dave Livingston......Sports Editor
Knowland continued the recent fili- Hanley Gurwin. Assoc. Sports Editor
buster an extra 24 hours simply Warren Wertheimer
becase e ddn' unersandh- " *. . . ..*""'-Associate Sports Editor
1RzShliovits...... ...Women's -Editor
because he didn't understand hu- Roz ....m.......ssciae.wortns-Editor
man nature. Joy Stanea.. .Associate Women's Edtor
Here is the hitherto unpublished Janet Smith .Associate Women's Editor
story of what happened. Chuck Kelsey.......Chief Photographer
After the Senate voted on Know-
land's cloture motion to limit de- Business Staff
bate on the atom bill, the filibust- Lois Pollak..:........Business Manager
Phil Brunskil, Assoc. Business Manager
ering senators figured they had BillWise.........Advertising Manager
reached the neak of their success Mary Jean Monkoski..Finance Manager

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"MINE THE HARVEST" is a
collection of poemsaEdna St.
Vincent Millay was preparing for
pulbication when she died in 1950.
Those who have delighted in her
poems before will find more joy,
but with a sadness, since this work
is the last.
The poems will be, as most of
Miss Millay's work has been,
naughtily ignored by the academic
critics. There- are several reasons
her work goes unconsidered, but
the central one is that she does
not offer most critics now writing
opportunity to display their erudi-
tion. The little magazines are
filled, these days, by this professor
or that instructor, and the squib
accorded on the contributor's page
is familiar: "Mr. Blank teaches
at Heavenly College. He is trans-
lating the works of Idioticus, 6th
century B.C. poet who lived in
the Upper Himalayas."Rare ozone,
that.
Miss Millay was not an academi-
cian; her poetry is not "difficult"
in the meaning the word has when
applied to contemporary poetry.
She assumed poetry need not be
read amidst facilities equal to the
New York public library's refer-
ence room. She would, no doubt,
have considered herself fortunate
had she known she was to be read
by conscientious readers.
There is no other contemporary
poet with whom Miss Millay can
be compared easily, but she can be
contrasted with nearly all. She was
not an intellectual poet, but an in-
tuitive one. Her poems with social
or political themes are maudlin or
worse, perhapsbecause she was
always too much in rebellion a-
gainst any system or philosophy
which would have required giving
up a personal freedom she held
precious.
Being a poet was discipline and
sacrifice enough
Her talent was not large; her
poetry at its best has the light-
ness and purity of a flute solo,
and concomitant limitations. Her
temperament, her views on poetry,
and of the poet's responsibility to
the tradition extant before his ar-
rival provide parallels with Byron.
There is no doubt, I think, that
at times in her life Miss Millay
took her role too seriously; she
made her craftsmanship and talent
serve matters more properly han-
dled in newspaper editorials or
at political rallies than in poetry.
But Miss Millay's blind spots should
not blind the reader: there are
moments of pure lyrical beauty in
her works which anyone who cares
about poetry should not miss.
The book ends with a sonnet
which tells of a rider from "the
darkening east"; it closes with
these six lines, critical summary
and epitaph:
"Did someone catch the ob-
ject that he flung?
He held some object on his
saddle-bow,
And flung it towards us as
he passed; among
The children then it fell most
likely; no, ?
'Tis here: a little bell with-
out a tongue.
Listen; it has a faint voice
even so.
-Russell C. Gregory
Orientation
Week Plans
(Continued from Page 1)
For freshman women interested
in the fall sorority rushing ro
pr-gram, rushing registration will be
held from 9 a.m. to noon and 1
to 4 p.m. Monday through Thurs-
day. There will be a mass meet-
ing for all women registered in the
rushing program at 4 p.m. Thurs-
day in Rackham Lecture Hall.

League Entertainment
Two League night programs
have been scheduled for 7 and 9
p.m. Thursday in Lydia Mendels-
sohn Theater to give new women
an idea of the type of entertain-
ment which the League activities
provide during the year.
Excerpts from shows presented
throughout last year, including
Frosh Weekend, Soph Cabaret
and Junior Girls Play will be pre-
sented.
Assembly, the organization for,
independent women, will present
part of the League night program.
Aptitude Tests
Twenty-one auditoriums and
rooms throughout campus will be
used for aptitude tests Monday.
Friday and Saturday. In the past
these exams have been given to
1,500 students in Hill Auditor-
ium. However, attempts have been
made to decentralize the tests, di-
viding the students into several
smaller groups.
Friday night has been set aside
for newcomers to attend the
church of their choice. Welcoming

Modern Need for Stron
Atlantic Union Discussed
(EDITOR'S NOTE: The author is a member of the University history
department and has been active in the Atlantic Union movement.)
By PROF PRESTON SLOSSON
THE CHIEF trouble with the human race is that its social inven-
tions lag behind its technical inventions. In themselves, our so-
cial inventions, such as the home, the church, the school, the state,
are quite as wonderful as any mechanical gadgets. But they are not
so rapidly altered and adapted and improved. Americans who would
not be found dead in a 1925 automobile, or who would writhe with
shame at having a 1951 TV set, still think that the political and eco-
nomic system worked out in the eighteenth century is good enough
for us, and for our grandchildren. What nation would go to war with
a 1900 battleship, or a 1930 airplane or tank? But the "national
sovereignty" of Grotius, and the "state rights" of Calhoun, and the
"balance of power" of Mazarin, and the hemispheric isolation of Mon-
roe, not to mention the "protective" tariff .of Clay, are plenty good
enough for political life.
Nor Is Uncle Sam a sinner above all men. Quite the contrary.
Europe is cluttered with still more antiquated concepts than these:
medieval relics such as king, noble. and established church; primi-
tive, almost neanderthal, regimes such as dictatorship or rule by sheer
force without law or right; national feuds which have, at bottom, no
more dignity than a family feud in the Great Smokies; a concept of
"national honor" which is little more than a gangster's desire to keep
other gangs afraid. The newly emancipated nations of Asia and Afri-
ca show not a whit more enlightenment than their former European
rulers. India is very internationalist-unless you mention Kashmir;
Egypt insists that Suez is not a world highway but a local national
ditch; Indochina blithely leaps from the frying pan of French colon-,
ialism to the far more ardent fire of Russian despotism.
Of course, a human race with any sense at all would have
invented a league of nations before inventing gunpowder; would
have established a world state before creating the atom bomb;
and would, I may add, have developed unemployment insurance
before the steam engine. But our human way is to do something
with machines, watch the social consequences, and then try to
patch up the damage; always locking the garage- door AFTER
the auto is stolen! Even then, the lock is often inadequate.
But it is no use simply to scold humanity and, in the manner of
Shaw and Wells, demand a new and more sensible race of supermen.
We are stuck with human nature and original sin for a long, long
time, and merely railing at human folly does little good. The practi-
cal statesman must see what can be done with the tools within reach.
I could work out at ten hours notice a better constitution for a world
state than any that is likely to be achieved this thousand years. (It
would, of course, have some minor defects; but its only major defect
is that it would remain on paper and never go into effect). I know
more than a hundred other professors and publicists and public men
who could do the same job, perhaps better than I could. Now, if an
improved machine could so easily be devised, the patent office would
be besieged; the big corporations clamor for the rights of production;
advertisers spread their copy to catch the consumer. But, while the
maker of Emerson's "better mousetrap" becomes a millionaire; the
advocate of international union and the abolition of war can take his
choice between being scorned as a "Utopian dreamer," as an unpa-
triotic and unAmerican propagandist, or as a "wild-eyed radical." You
see, mousetraps are serious business; politics and diplomacy are mere-
ly a sort of game, with rules as old as the rules of chess.
Yet we cannot safely rest content with the feeble devices which
existing statescraft has managed (against any amount of unen-
lightened opposition) to create. The United Nations has many virtues,
but it is not a means of enforcing peace, and never will be, so long
as aggressor governments retain the veto power. The NATO deserves
our strongest support, but it is merely an alliance, and alliances dis-
solve like cloudbanks, EDC is a great step forward but it is an army
hanging in the air without a real government behind it. All such
precautions may prove as. unable to prevent a Third World War, as
the League and the Locarno Pact and the Kellogg-Briand Pact were
unable to prevent a Second. Moreover, the despotic government and
predatory policy of Russia and her satellites postpone to an indefinite
future date the transformation of the present United Nations into
a real world federation. World unity, the only final answer to war,
is no more possible with Malenkov than with Hitler.
Union must begin with those who are ready to unite. That is the
one indispensible condition. Granted some basic human rights, and
the freedom to make political choices by counting heads instead of
breaking them, other national divergences are not insuperable ob- .
stacles. Monarchies and republics have federated together as in the
old Holy Roman Empire. Capitalist and socialist regimes can co-exist
in a federal system. The British Commonwealth contains samples of
nearly every race and degree of culture known to mankind. Switzer-
land has within its narrow bounds Protestant and Catholic cantons:
German, French Italian, and Romansch-speaking cantons. Our own
United States is a melting pot of all peoples of Europe, and a goodish
slice of Africa too. Nor need we take "Atlantic Union" too literally.
Already the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, in spite of its name,
takes in Greece and Turkey which are many miles from the Atlantic.-
A union of nations willing to enter a permanent organization to keep
peace might well include countries as far apart as New Zealand,
Israel, Uruguay, and Norway.
The exact constitution of this fede l union is a minor mat-

ter. In any event it will not be made by the neat schemes 'of
political scientists, but by the rough working compromises of
practical politicians. Probably there will be much overlapping.
The British Commonwealth may be a unit within it, and yet it-
self consist of other units such as Canada, containing still small-
er units such as Quebec. A great deal of the Union may lie with-
in a west-continental-European customs zone, and still other
parts outside. Some colonies will doubtless belong to the Union
as a whole (as do our territories); others may, for reasons of
national sentiment or advantage, remain attached to particular
states. There will be, especially at first, more "functional" than
"structural" unit. (Just so, the German Zollverein preceded the
German Reich). I doubt if any individual will be a "world presi-
dent," except in some purely nominal and honorific way; more
probably the chief executive will be Council, like the Swiss,
containing representatives of several states. There will have to .
be some sort of law-making body; possibly with two chambers,
so that one can represent population and the other national
equality, but not necessarily following precisely the pattern of
our Congress.
At first the powers of the Union will be jealously limited because
the fetish of national sovereignty is still worshipped in most parts of
the world. The only absolute essential is that military and diplomatic
power should be exercized only in permanent cooperation. No member
of the Union could retain the power of making war at its own discre-
tion, or of making alliances on its own account, or of refusing sup-
port to the common decisions of the Union. No member of the Union
could refuse arbitration or mediation or oppose the decision of an in-
ternational court, if the alternative were war. There would doubt-
less be an international armed force, but in the beginning it might
be smaller than the separate national armies (eventually the reverse
would be the case). But the political control of all these armies must
be vested in the Union.
Beyond this indispensible minimum there is the widest range for
experiment. Why should not the great international highways, such
as Panama and Suez, be transferred to the Union? Why should not
the Union directly administer uninhabited lands (such as Antarc-
tica); cosmopolitan ports; backward colonies; disputed border zones?
Could not steps be taken toward a Union coinage, a uniform passport
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Rackham Auditorium...
A RECENT recital by Alice Ehlers featured
the Two-Part Inventions, the Three-Part Sin-
fonias, and the Italian Concerto of J. S. Bach. The
first half of the concert, featuring the smaller
works, was generally less successful. This was due
larat n th sher nimher nf these wnrks .and

the music of this period. To many of us who
have struggled with the inventions during piano
lessons, it was a revelation to hear so much mu-
sical content, so realized as to form such a so-
herent whole. We are, of course, prone to con-
sider these works as fugal, therefore primarily
intellectualized achievements. Their emotional
content does not realize itself in an outpouring




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