-FOUR'

THE MICHIGAN DAILY

11 r.)Lr A1', Y1Lr iIkikt Z4, 19;i

* ___________________________________ U _____________________________________________________ U

MMMMMM r

Lifting the Driving Ban

RECENTLY, SOME sentiment in favor of
lifting the driving ban was expressed by
the Office of Student Affairs. The plan now
awaits a thorough airing in the Board of
Regents.
On first appearance, removal of the
ban seems like a great idea .. . footsore
students visualize happy days ahead when
a car will again be their main means of
transportation. However, they fail. to see
the big problem in their pipedream. Ann
Arbor is notoriously an overcrowded city
and the entire town is already faced with
a parking problem.
The situation has been alleviated some-
what in the downtown area by construc-
tion of a municipal parking lot structure.
But, the campus is still badly congested. The
31 University lots can take care of only
1,000 cars, and there is just "no place else
to put a lot," according to Assistant Vice
President Herbert G. Watkins.

Even the more than 2,000 students who'
are now granted permits because they
really need cars cannot be accommodated
by the present University lots.
There are other reasons for maintaining
the ban. Prior to the 1927 ruling, about four
or five students were killed each year while
operating automobiles. During the 25-year
existence of the ban, only two students were
killed while driving on campus.
The ban has also helped to establish a
more democratic atmosphere on campus,
lifting the definite social distinction cre-
ated between the Cadillac convertible own-
er and the pedestrian.
From this standpoint, students cannot
fail to recognize that the driving ban is es-
sential. Tighter enforcement of existing
rules, possibly through closer work with the
local police force, may even be needed.
-Diane Decker

The Nixon
Miasma
THE REVELATION of Senator Nixon's
special $18,000 expense fund, derived
from a California committee, has undoubt-
edly dealt a serious blow to the chances of
the GOP ticket in November. No matter
how convincing the Senator's explanations
may seem, the seriousness of the charge
will not be easily forgotten by the elector-
ate. Though Nixon may be legally in the
right and may not have used any of the
funds for personal expenses, his method of
paying office and campaign costs deserves
condemnation.
Nixon has defended his position by say-
ing that he has not used the franking
privilege for campaign material nor hired
any of his family on government funds.
These are two prevalent congressional
practices.
But the senator's special fund testifies to
a questionable sense of ethics for a govern-
ment official. Moreover, the Senator used
extremely bad judgment when he did not
reveal the existence of the fund to Repub-
lican leaders at the time he was being con-
sidered for the nomination.
Corruption in government has been the
strongest Republican issue up to now, but
it will lose its impact unless Senator Nixon
resigns from the ticket and a new candi-
date is named by the National Committee.
This action would give weight to Eisen-
hower's pledge to remove all scandal from
the government, no matter what the con-
sequences might be to the GOP.
If Nixon remains on the ticket, corrup-
tion will be a dead issue and the GOP may
well lose the election.
--Harry Lunn and Jon Sobeloff

Death Of A Salesman

A Lovable Tramp Gets Trampled

MATTER OF

FACT

"LNDONERS HAVEN'T changed a
Charlie Chaplin told a swarm of
Englishmen gathered to welcome him
to his homeland.
But Americans apparently had.

bit,"
1.000
back

Spokesmen of a country which had once
laughed up Chaplin movies at the rate
of one a week decided a few days ago
that Chaplin would have to do more than
be incomparably funny if he were to be
allowed to remain here,
He would probably have to answer charg-
esof "subversive" tendencies made by an
inquiring group ordered by Attorney Gen-
eral McGranery before he could return to
this country from his European pleasure
trip.
Chaplin was understandably bewildered
by it all. He expected newsmen aboard
JAMES MARLOW:
The Contest
Gets Hotter
WASHINGTON--0P)-This is becoming
one of the most fascinating of all
presidential campaigns for a number of
reasons, although the most obvious hasn't
been mentioned by the candidates.
It's. this: The campaign is unfolding
like a good play, moving with increasing
intensity toward a climax which even the
experts, so wrong in 1948, don't want to
try to forecast.
. And Senator Nixon's predicament, sensa-
tional as it is, seems like only one act in the
drama, no matter whether he stays or exits.
For in the past day, in addition to the
Nixon case, the campaign took a turn which
indicates a deepening bitterness.
In 1948 everyone was so convinced Gov.
Dewey had President Truman whipped there
wasn't much suspense and when the surprise
came it seemed almost as unreal as an O.
Henry ending.
Not this time in the struggle where Gov.
Stevenson, almost unknown in the begin
ning, is trying to subdue Gen. Eisenhower,
a national hero.
Stevenson is not a modern David, equip-
ped only with ambition and a slingshot.
Starting out, he had in his corner the big
Democratic organization. But even there,
in the South, there is uncertainty.
It is an uncertainty Eisenhower has tried
to turn to his own advantage with his ef-
forts to win the South. But, while wrestling
with Stevenson, he has had to patch up
differences in his own party.
As these struggles continued behind their
own lines, the two men set forth on a back-
breaking campaign that must leave both of
them exhausted when it's over.
Eisenhower, feeling that men react to
"emotion and sentiment far more than to
logic and statistics," said he believes in
"spirit" and "far more in the heart than I
do in the mind."
At the opposite pole, Stevenson told the
American Federation of Labor yesterday:
"I would rather make you think than
make you roar." Some of his people fear
he's been talking over audience heads.
The needles which Stevenson began jab-
bing into Eisenhower almost from the be-
ginning were humorously gentle when he
first tried them. They gave way to thrusts
that were acid-tipped.
Some of them must have made Eisen-
hower quiver with anger, particularly when
Stevenson, who writes his own speeches, de-
rided Eisenhower by suggesting the general
had to have his ghosted.
Sticking to his promise not to use names
in the campaign, Eisenhower became per-
sonal with Stevenson in a statement say-
ing "we are tired of aristocratic explana-
tions in Harvard accents."
If Eisenhower pursues this line Stevenson
will have a -hance to demonstrate whether
he can keep his temper or reply in kind,
which is something he said he won't do.
although Eisenhower may feel he's done it
already.

"R ENUNCIATION OF thinking is an ad-

his ship to England to pop the $64 ques-
tion, and he had his answer all ready: "I
have never been a member of the Com-
munist party And I am not a member of
the Communist party."
Whether reporters were merely too em-
barassed to ask the question or whether they
preferred to leave it up to U.S. officials is
debatable. Perhaps they realized that stick-
ing a subversive label on Chaplin was more
than a little ridiculous, and even though no
one would pretend that humorists were to-
tally removed from political situations, in
this case the issues were being confused.
At any rate, the little comedian who
had overwhelmed moviegoers with his
semi-humorous, semi-pathetic character-
izations was placed in a situation which
was pathetic enough but which in no way
seemed funny.
It is too bad that neither of two campus
film groups-the SL Cinemna Guild or the
Gothic Film Society-have Chaplin pictures
scheduled this fall. It would be reassuring
to have an opportunity to affirm a strong
opinion that Chaplin's skilled cinematics
are enough to justify his being around.
--Virginia Voss

Ike Proving a Sound
GOP Investment
By JOSEPH ALSOP
ABOARD THE IKE SPECIAL-There are two important reasons
why Eisenhower is proving a sound Republican investmept. First,
he is, so to speak, a nationally advertised product, well-known to all,
competing with a Democratic candidate who is not at all well-known
to the mass of voters. Second, with the sole exception of a small min-
ority of Sen. Robert A. Taft's bitter-ender admirers, Eisenhower is
held in warm affection by all classes and groups. People liked him as
a general. They are anxious to like him and to vote for him as a
candidate.
They were a bit bothered by the fumbling uncertainty that
marked his early appearances in his new political role. But as
soon as he began to hit his stride on his southern tour, the pro-
duct-acceptance, as the advertising people call it, started to soar
again. The noise of the southerners' cheers for Ike encouraged
great numbers of other people all over the country t' join in
the applause. The cheering has gone on, and has grown ever since.
No one can judge, of course, whether Eisenhower will be able to
win the election just because "they like Ike," and because so many
voters feel that "it's time for a change."
Yet these have been the main ingredients of Eisenhower's success
to date. His farm speech stands alone, thus far, as his only reasonably
specific, full-dress discussion of a major national issue. For the farm
speech, Eisenhower leapt off the Republican platform and took his
stand squarely on the Democratic farm plank.
Senator Taft has laconically commented that, for his part,
he still prefers the Republican plank, favoring flexible farm par-
ity instead of the high, fixed parities advocated by Eisenhower
and the Democrats.
How much will this sort of thing hurt Eisenhower with the farm-
ers, who are already so suspicious of Republican intentions? One does
not know.
Again, when Eisenhower has ventured to be specific in his press
conferences and question periods with Republican leaders, he hap
sometimes cut the ground from under many of his own adherents.
For instance, Sen. William E. Jenner of Indiana, is building
his whole campaign for re-election around violent attacks on the
Korean war as a wicked and useless "meat-grinder" for "our
boys." But Eisenhower has merely observed that earlier American
blunders invited the Soviet aggression in Korea. He has sup.
ported President Truman's response to the Kroean challenge. He
has flatly refused to promise an easy or early end to the fight-
ing, and he has just as flatly rejected the MacArthur strategy of
extending the fighting beyond the Korean border.
Concerning another Republican King Charles' head, Chiang Kat-
shek's troops on Formosa, Eisenhower has also been unorthodox. He
has said, in fact, that Chiang's troops had better be left on Formosa,
to defend Chiang's main base while we build up South Korean divi-
sions for use in Korea.
Will these difficulties eventually trip up the General, or can
he get by until Election Day with his effective but far from spe-
cific attacks on "the mess in Washington?" Again, one does not
know.
As of now, however, what stands out is the big advantage Gen-
eral Eisenhower is deriving from universal awareness of him, and
the almost universal liking for him. In effect, Eisenhower has started
a whole lap ahead of Adlai Stevenson in this rather short electoral
race.
(Copyright, 1952, New York Herald Tribune, Inc.)

1w~~

ON THE
WASHINGTON
ME R RY-GO-ROUND
WITH DREW PEARSON

Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily
are written by members of The Daily staff
and represent the views of the writer only.
This must be noted in all reprints.
NIGHT EDITOR: DIANE DECKER
"GROWTH ITSELF is the only moral end."
John Dewey

Campaign Funds &cMuckrakers

(EDITOR'S NOTE: Several weeks ago, while
Drew Pearson was on vacation, Sen. Hubert
Humphrey, Democrat-Minn., wrote a column
on campaign funds. In view of the present
furore over the Nixon expense funds, The
Daily is reprinting the article, hoping that it
might shed some light on a dark issue.)
By SENATOR HUBERT HUMPHREY
MINNEAPOLIS, Minn.-Campaigning is
big business. Millions upon millions of
dollars will be spent by both major partiesj
this year to elect their candidates to office.
Hundreds of thousands more were spent by
many of the major contenders for the pre-
sidential nomination.
Though abuses are uncovered in every
campaign, the significant problem is the
appalling cost of legitimate and necessary
expenditures such as those for radio and
TV time. Just half an hour of "Class A"
time-between the hours of 6 and 11
p.m. or on week ends-cost $30,365 on one
major TV network. General Eisenhower's
Abilene homecoming speech, broadcast
over all radio and TV networks is said to
have cost some $130,000. A witness before
the Senate subcommittee on privileges
and elections testified last fall that it
would cost at least $450,000 to distribute
.just one piece of campaign literature to
10,000,000 homes.
In any campaign, the issues have to be
brought before the people. Our parties are
performing a public service liy conducting a
thorough briefing of the American people
on the many issues of our times. Through
16,000,000 TV sets, 102,000,000 radio sets,
daily and weekly newspapers with a com-
bined circulation of 68,000,000 and vast
numbers of books and magazines, party
viewpoints and positions are brought into
every American home.


controls. In 1950, Fortune estimated that
$100,000,000 of industry's advertising but
get was put into the free enterprise cam-
paign. And Fortune itself drew the obvious
conclusion that this money was spent for a
Republican victory. "Research foundations"
have also been used by both' business and
labor to cover lobbying and electioneering
activities. Of course, most research founda-
tions are just what the name implies and
have no political significance whatsoever.
But the loopholes and ambiguities in our
tax laws relating to foundations are large
enough for a whole political party to get
through and it is small wonder that they
are being used.
. * *
WHENEVER TAX-EXEMPT expenditures
are made for political purposes, the people
pay. Whether in or out of politics, therefore,
we should ask ourselves if this manner of
spending gives us our money's worth. Would
it not be better to change our whole system
of campaign and political expenditures to
bring it closer to the people? Would it be
feasible for the government to make certain
facilities such as free mailing privileges or
radio and TV time available to all bona fide
candidates on an equal basis? Would it not
be better for political parties to charge mo-
dest dues for the privilege of membership?
If everybody voting in a presidential
primary this year had sent a dollar to
the party or candidate of his choice
enough money would have been raised to
finance a large share of campaign and
expenditures without raising the touchy
moral and ethical questions of the obli-
gations a candidate has to his financial
backers.
These and other ideas are worth thinking
about. But first we need the information on
what is really going on. That is why I intro-
duced a resolution in the Senate for a full-
scale investigation into the sources of cam-
paign funds, the manner in which they are
spent and the obligations candidates have
had to assume as a result of their cam-
paigns.
Let's get these cards out in the open
and then study them. Let's find out if the
presidency can be had only by the weal-
thy or those whom the wealthy support.
Let's find out how to keep political oppor-
tunities open for all qualified people.
Then let's act to make it possible.
The American people can afford many
things-but we cannot afford a price tag on
political offices.
"DID THE white races have a right to col-
onize Africa? No, said Schweitzer, if
they regarded the colored races merely as a
raw material for their industries. Yes, if
they felt a responsibility for the moral
health of the subject races and their growth
toward a better order. With his eye on the
warm humanitarianism of his favorite cen-
tury, Schweitzer drew up a list of the funda-
mental rights of man which the Negro might

WASHINGTON-A lot of people have been wondering how dynamic
TVDick Nixon, 39 years old and a newcomer in politics, managed
to latch on to the No. 2 spot on the Republican ticket at Chicago.
The story is one of an extremely astute and opportunistic
young man plus the hit-and-miss habits of a political convention
in picking its candidates-especially the vice-president.
Nixon, a resident of Whittier, California, near Pasadena, had
come to know an automobile salesman in Pasadena, Paul Hoffman,
who later became president of Studebaker and took over the most
important reconstruction job in the world-head of the Marshall
Plan. Last winter Hoffman became one of the three top advisers to
General Eisenhower and head of the Citizens for Eisenhower Com-
mittee.
Prior to the Chicago convention, Eisenhower cohorts were casting
around for a way to wean the powerful California delegation away
from Governor Warren and over to Ike. Nixon Was approached by
Hoffman as to how this could be done. Naive at politics, Hoffman
even suggested that Nixon himself run for president in the California
primary, with the idea of weakening Warren's hold on California's
76 votes.
Howeve-, Nixon, not anxious to buck either Governor Warren
or Congressman Tom Werdell, who had already been drafted by
Old-Guard Republicans to run against the governor, declined.
Instead he suggested thatthe would become a delegaterfrom Cali-
fornia and work from within to switch Warren delegates over to
Eisenhower on the second ballot
Nixon figured that as a senator, he would be given the courtesy
of picking ten delegates, and with this as a nucleus he could make
sure that California was in Eisenhower's column before the balloting
had gone more than one round.
In order to stir up Eisenhower sentiment in California, Nixon
sent out 25,000 letters to registered GOP voters, asking: "Who is your
choice for president, assuming that Governor Warren is not nomi-
nated?"
This mailing job may have been one expense to which the so-+
called millionaires' club donated. Governor Warren, however, got wind?
of the Nixon plebiscite, and never having cared much for the ambi-
tious young senator from California, a mutual friend, Bernard Bren-
nan, also a member of the millionaires' club, put the quietus on Nix-
on's vote-results.
However, Nixon arrived at Chicago with a tacit understanding
from Paul Hoffman that he would do his best for Ike inside the
California delegation and that Ike, in turn, would give him favorable
consideration for the vice presidency. At Chicago, Nixon more than
kept his word.
It was he who swung California over to the Eisenhower point
of view when it came to the debate over the Langlie amendment,
and it was he who literally grabbed the microphone away from
Senator Knowland, when it came to the hot debate over seatingj
the Georgia delegation.
After Ike was nominated, Paul Hoffman kept his word. So with
Hoffman backing him and a friendly nod from Governor Dewey, plus
Dick's record on Hiss and the plan to open up on Governor Steven-
son's deposition for Hiss, the young senator from California had the
number 2 spot on the Republican ticket in the bag.
CONTRACTS AND GIFTS
ONE DANGER a senator risks if he accepts "expense" money fromf
outsiders is that some of his benefactors may have contracts with,
the government and that he in turn may make representations to the
government on their behalf. This is against the law.,
For instance, some of Nixon's benefactors, or their attorneys,
did have government contracts as follows: .
K. T. Norris, president of the Norris Stamping Co., has a con-s
tract with the Defense Department for making shells and cart-
ridges estimated at around $25,000,000.
Earl Adams, is attorney for Guy Atkinson, a builder with larger
government contracts.I
In somewhat different category is Norman Chandler, publisher
of the Los Angeles Times and Los Angeles Mirror, who is also thet
largest stockholder in the Title Insurance and Trust Co., which has
underwritten all titles of the oil companies operating in the tidelands
oil area. These underwriting policies total $48,000,000 and should thee
government finally take over tidelands oil wells, Mr. Chandler's com-
pany might be stuck with indemnifying the oil companies $48,000,000.s
Senator Nixon, of course, voted consistently and vigorously
for tidelands oil. Undoubtedly he would have done so whether
Chandler had contributed to his expense fund or not, because
California sentiment is predominantly that way. However, no
senator can afford to be in the position of having his vote underI
suspicion-especially when he's running for vice president.e
It is quite possible furthermore that Senator Nixon might maket
representations at the Defense Department regarding the Norrisa
Stamping Co., not knowing that K. T. Norris had contributed to his
expense fund. If so, then he would be in violation of the criminal

FDAILY OFFICIAL BULLETIN.


(Continued from Page 2)
Ceramics. Beginning course on the
materials and forms of pottery. Basic
ceramic design applied to the patter's
wheel and simple uses of glazes. De-
signed for students who have had no
previous work in ceramics. Instructor
will be Prof. Thomas F. McClure. 7:30
p.m., 125 Architecture. Sixteen weeks,
$18; laboratory fee, $5.
Economic and Financial Problems of
the Family (Economics 91. two hours
credit). Part of the University program
of courses in family living, this is an
introduction to problems and methods
in budgeting and spending the con-
sumer's money and effort. Among oth-
er topics are consumer cooperation.
insurance, and other security measures.
Enrollment is open to all interested
persons. This course may be elected
for credit but does not admit to ad-
vanced courses in economics. George R.
Anderson, lecturer in economics, will
be the instructor. 7:30 p.m., 65 Business
Administration. Sixteen weeks, $18.
Great Books. This University of Mich-
igan Great Books course is an intro-
duction to and an analysis of books
that havetaffected Western civiliza-
tion. Selections are made from many
periods of history and types of writ-
ing, their literary merit as well as
their significance for Western thought
and action being discussed. Instructor
is John E. Bingley. Section I, open to
beginners, begins tonight and will meet
on alternate Wednesdays; Section II,
open to those who elected the Great
Books extension course last year, will
begin on Wed., Oct. 1, and meet on al-
ternate weeks. 7:30 p.m., 69 Business
Administration. Eight sessions, $8.
Parliamentary Procedure. Under the
direction of Dr. Fred G. Stevenson, the
principles of parliamentary procedure
and the rules for conducting business
meetings of clubs, associations, and
conventions will be explained. Demo-
cratic group action through pariamen-
tary procedure will be emphasized.
Practice will be given in presiding and
ruling on points of order. '7:30 p.m.,
177 Business Administration. Eight
weeks, $6.
Practical Gardening. This survey
course in methods and techniques of
planting, transplanting, pruning, soil
management, and problems of manage-
ment will be given by Ruth Mosher
Place, lecturer for the Extension Serv-
ice. 7:30 p.m., 176 Business Administra-
tion. Eight weeks, $8.
Workshop in Creative Writing. This
workshop will offer beginners and those
who have already done some writing
an opportunity to write stories, poems.
critical essays, and expository articles.
Dr. Sheridan W. Baker, Jr., is the in-
structor. 7:30 p.m., 171 Business Admin-
istration. Sixteen weeks, $18.
Concert
Carillon Recital. Thurs., Sept. 25, 7:15
p.m., by Percival Price, University Caril-
lonneur. The program will include mod-
ern American carillon compositions by
Curry, Pinkham, Glauser, Barber, Rus-
terholz, Magnuson, Vaichoitis, Lefevere,
and Lawson.
911 1 IfC l,/1 17 '

nity. First meeting of semester at new
chapter house, 927 Forest, 7:30 p.m.
All faculty members and alumni are
invited.
The Student Legislature. First meeting
of the semester. 7:30 p.m., Strauss
House dining room, East Quad.
Coming Events
Literary College Conference, student
steering committee. Meeting, Thurs., 4
p.m., 1011 Angell Hall.
Young Democrats Meeting Thurs.,
Sept. 25, 8 p.m. in the Union, Room 3B.
Organizational meeting, also discus-
sion of Democratic Party platform. All
terested are welcome.
students for Stevenson, Organization-
al meeting of student- chapter of Na-
tional Citizens for Stevenson, Thurs.
night, 3A, Mich. Union. Officers of Ann
Arbor Stevenson Committee will be
present.. All interested students-Inde-
pendents and Republicans alike-are
urged to attend,
International Center weekly Tea for
foreign students and American friends,
4-6 p.m., Thurs., Sept. 25.
International Students Association.
"Hunting and Fishing in Brazil," hour-
and-a-half technicolor movie, Thurs..
Sept. 25, 8 p.m., International Center.
Students, faculty members, and towns-
people are invited.
Michigan Sailing Club. First meeting
Thurs., Sept. 25, 7:30 p.m., 311 W. Eng.
Bldg. Former members are urged to
attend. Plans for the open meeting
will be discussed.
A1w
Sixty-Third Year
Edited and managed by students of
the University of Michigan under the
authority of the Board in Control of
Student Publications.
Editorial Staff
CrawfordYoung .Managing Editor
Cal Samra ..........Editorial Director
Zander Hollander...Feature Editor
Sid Klaus.......Associate City Editor
Harland Britz........Associate Editor
Donna Hendleman ....Associate Editor
Ed Whipple.............Sports Editor
John Jenks ... Associate Sports Editor
Dick Sewell ....Associate Sports Editor
Lorraine Butler .....women's Editor
Mary Jane Mills, Assoc. Women's Editor
Business Staff
Al Green ..........Business Manager
Milt Goetz Advertising Manager
Diane Johnston ...Assoc. Business Mgr.
Judy Loehnberg .....Finance Manager
Tom Treeger . ....Circulation Manager

I

The scale and the scope of these cam-
paigns have long made the limitations on
campaign expenditures in the corrupt
practices act and other laws both ridicu-
lous and meaningless.
In 1896, Mark Hanna literally assessed
banks and business corporations a specifiv
percentage of their assets in order to raise
funds for the McKinley campaign. John D.
Rockefeller alone contributed $280,000. Even
at that time, it seems, Democratic victories
were regarded as the death knell of free
enterprise by certain owners of large mon-
eybags.
* * *
BUT IT WAS not until 1907 that the
brazen partnership of the corporate giants
and the Republican party was dealt with by
legislation. Thanks to the work of the muck-
rackers and of the national campaign pub-
licity association, Congress passed a law
prohibiting corporations and national banks
from contributing to election campaign.
Later restrictions on big business and big
businessmen were added by the corrupt
practices act-the basic legislation in this
field-in 1925, the Public Utility Holding
Company Act of 1935 and the Hatch Act of
1940.

I%

v