FOUR

THE MICHIGAN DAILY

_ _ _

)RIS FLEESON:
Bastion of the Middle East

MATTER OF FACT
By STEWART ALSOP

ANKARA-A prompt visit from General
Eisenhower is expected and desired here
the moment Turkey becomes a full-fledged
member of the North Atlantic Treaty Or-
ganization.
The Turks want General Ike to inspect
their army. U.S. military men who have
been helping to train and equip it since
1946 predict it will afford him great en-
couragement, a commodity sometimes in
short supply around the Eisenhower head-
quarters. They are chary of the phrase,
"Best Army in Europe," which has back-
fired all too memorably but they show a
sturdy confidence in Turkish progress as
a bastion of the Middle East.
Here as in Greece there is no question of
the will to fight, no native Communist prob-
lem worth mentioning. Turkey will mobilize
promptly and decisively if the Russians nmove
anywhere.
Her contribution to the common defense
will be manpower; no U.S. divisions are
needed here. Air power is almost wholly the
U.S. province; the Air Force was granted
without hesitation the strategic sites it asked
for and the most modern airfields, some of
which will take the heaviest bombers Ameri-
can ingenuity can construct, are in opera-
tion.
Military men here are ready to swear
that the Truman Doctrine and the dollars
which flowed from it have bought as much
military power in this area for the defense
of America as anywhere in the world. Like
Editorials published in The Michigan Daily
are written by members of The Daily staff
and represent the views of the writers only.
NIGHT EDITOR: CAL SAMRA

the Turks, they are eager to show it toI
General Eisenhower.
While congressional and other U.S.
visitors concentrate on Turkey as a military
partner-and in this department they leave
her with a smile-her admission to N.A.T.O.
is also a political event of the first magni-
tude. For many years a rather small and
select band of which the present Ambassa-
dor, George Wadsworth, a veteran career
diplomat, it one, has been preaching the im-
portance of the Middle East. The United
States, still wedded to the old cliches of its
geographies, "terrible Turk," etc., was in-
different. Crisis, with imperialist Russia as
the spur, has now accomplished the first
steps.
Ambassador Wadsworth's greeting to vis-
itors is famous. He wouldn't have a house
that didn't command a panorama of An-
kara, the hill city Kemal Ataturk built to
get his young Turk government away from
the clotted web of intrigue, corrupiton and
foreign influence that stifled Istanbul.
"When I came here 28 years ago that was
a city of 28,000," says the Ambassador. "Now
it is a city of 280,000." So far Anakara hasn't
let the Ambassador down; it keeps on grow-
ing.
He has presently an ally in Adm. Ro-
bert B. Carney, who commands the East-
ern Atlantic and Mediterranean fleets.
Admiral Carney warns his visitors that if
Russia drives through the Middle East for
the oil reserves and Mediterranean life-
line, Europe will become the flank and
his southern flank the main theatre.
Egypt, larger and: richer but shockingly
governed and indifferent to its human re-
sources, is potentially the greatest power of
this area. Within th limits of its capabilities,
Turkey is now the strongest.
(Copyright, 1951, by The Bell Syndicate, Inc.)a


BOOKS

rI

WE NEVER CALLED HIM HENRY. By
Harry Bennet as told to Paul Marcus.
AN ALMOST legendary figure now tells
the story of what was once the would's
greatest industrial empire and the man who
made it. Harry Bennett, reared in Ann Ar-
bor as the step-son of the late University
professor Robert Winslow, began his work-
ing career in the Navy and parlayed a vic-
tory in a waterfront brawl into administra-
tive control of most of the Ford Motor Co.
Ford,t attracted by Bennett's aggressiveness,
made him his personal bodyguard, trouble-
shooter, and confidant.
Bennett disparages Ford's technical gen-
ius until there is little left but a caricature
of a small-town middle-westerner in too
big a league. Ford's expedition for the
world pacifist movement, his dalliance
with leaders of anti-Semitic and antis
Catholle organizations such as the Silver
Shirts and the America Firsters, and his
initial toleration of Hitler's overtures are
cited as instances showing Ford's naive
desire to see the world reformed in an
aura of greater productivity and wealth,
but Nevertheless in Ford's own peculiar
way.,
Ford focused his reforming zeal on his
own workers. One report of smoking on the
job or drinking after working hours was
enough to fire the average production work-
er. Ford kept an elaborate "sociological do..
partment" to pry into the lives of his work-
ers and spy on their moral conduct. Yet
this same department did occasionally aid
the employee in jail or debt, and Ford's
twisted philanthropy took many a good turn
which Bennett chooses to ignore.
* * *
THROUGH THE welter of details about
Ford's idiosyncrasies emerges a concept
which is partly Ford's-and certainly Ben-
nett's, It is that of the company in general
and "the plant" in particular as an almost
holy area which must be kept free from all
outside influences and interference. The
concept perversely includes the company's
own influence and interference outside the
plant to assure this safety. After paying ob-
vious respects to a supposed maxim of Ford's,
that every gift should have some strings at-
tached, Bennett candidly relates how he
proceeded to effect a friendly relationship
with every important thug in Detroit. Ben-
nett claims he made underworld characters
indebted to him in order to protect the Ford
family from kidnappings and to be inform-
 Looking Bach
Fifteen Years Ago
T HE presidential campaign got underway
in earnest when President Roosevelt,
Alfred E. Smith, Col. Frank Knox, and
Norman Thomas successively addressed the
nation over nation-wide radio networks.
A pep rally in Hill Auditorium initiated
the gridiron year for several thousand foot-
ball enthusiasts.
Ten Years Ago
T HE Nazi suppression of what the Ger-
mans termed "treasonable plots" in
Czechoslovakia continued with the shooting
of the Premier of the Czech Protectorate of

ed whenever the wars of the Down River and
Purple gangs threatened the distant serenity
of River Rouge.
To prevent other kinds of interference,
both Bennett and Ford found it necessary
to enter Michigan and national politics on
a considerable scale. Dozens of party hacks
from both sides of the fence came to pay
homage to Ford. The Michigan State Po-
lice careened around the state at Ben-
nett's beck and call. The caracter of a
state supreme court justice was minutely
examined before his court was to hear a
case involving the Ford Company.
And some of the tentacles reached the
University. Football players were hired by
Ford during the summer to work as guards
and were allowed time off to practice foot-
ball. Some of these same individuals later
found their way into the Ford Service, a
company organization formed to guard "the
plant" and suppress unions. Bennett also
relates how he gave former Michigan coach
Harry A. Kipke several fat accounts to
handle as a manufacturer's agent. When
Kipke successfully ran for Regent in 1939,
Bennett supplied him with campaign in-
formation by sending Elizabeth Dilling, au-
thor of best-seller Red Network, to Ann
Arbor to gather information on Communists
in the faculty. One logically wonders what
strings were attached to that gift.
The company's efforts to keep the plant
free from any external influence included a
policy of outright union persecution. Ben-
nett admits the atmosphere of favoritism
and oppression in Ford shops provided the
unions with a just cause, but he is equally
frank in stating his desire to prevent the
unions from ever interfering with Ford em-
ployment practices. Bennett heaps blame up-
on himself for appearing before a mob and
causing the famed "Hunger March" of 1932
to break into open violence. The book gives
a very sketchy picture of this incident and
completely ignores the "Battle of Bull's
Run," where Walter Reuther and Richard
Frankensteen were brutally beaten by a
group of hoods reportedly hired by Ford.
THE FORD-UNION relationship illustrates
one of the few economic and sociological
implications to be drawn from this highly
personal story. It finally became necessary
for Bennett and other company officials to
coerce Ford into foregoing some of his most
deep rooted prejudices in order to keep the
Ford Motor Co. a sound economic entity. To
the company, anti-unionism or anti-Semi-
tism may or may not have been wrong in
any moral sense, but when sales began to
drop it was certainly wrong. Ford finally had
to capitulate to the unions because he had
to sell cars.
This is probably the deepest insight this
book can give. The material in Bennett's
opus has an intrinsic interest to any gen-
eral reader, but it is thinly spread in an
anecdotic, jerky style. It is difficult to es-
cape the impression that Bennett is try-
ing to turn a quick buck with a few suc-
c . nt bits of information.
It is also probable that Bennett is eager
to clear up some misconceptions about Ford
and salvage some unjustly-maligned parts
of his own reputation. However, this leads us
to a deeper criticism. While Bennett makes
few attempts to whitewash himself in what
he tells, the sins of his book are patently

PARIS-The most surprising thing about
Western Europe today is that its people
have suddenly begun to think seriously about
defending it. Even the skeptical French are
beginning to talk as though the defense of
their country, which seemed to them vision-
ary to the point of silliness only a few months
ago, might quite soon become a practical
possible. This sudden, still shy, growth of
confidence in the midst of Europe's desert
of self-doubt and despair, derives very large-
ly from the knowledge that Gen. Dwight D.
Eisenhower honestly and deeply believes
that Western Europe can be defended.
At first, Eisenhower was almost wholly
alone in this belief. But by a gind of re-
' verse osmosis, his confidence has begun to
seep down into the bistros and barracks
of all Europe, Eisenhower's confidence is
catching simply because it is so obviously
based, not on wishful thinking, but on a
great professional soldier's careful assess-
ment of the real situation.
When Eisenhower talks to visitors, he
likes to recall how the German generals
unanimously assumed that the Allied drive
west in 1944 was halted out of sheer timidity.
It never occurred to the Germans that there
was not a pint of gas left in Patton's tanks.
Eisenhower has had a hard, thoughtful look
at the problems which would face the Rus-
sian commanders if war came-their lack of
adequate transport, their endless supply
lines, their vulnerability to air attack-and
he has reached the conclusion that an ef-
fective defense of Western Europe is a whol-
ly feasible military proposition. g .
* * *r
YET THIS CONFIDENCE that the job can
really be done is only the first essential
Eisenhower also points out to visitors, there
ingredient of the defense of the West. As
is still a terribly long way to go. By the end
of this year, he will command some twenty-
eight divisions. This is a remarkable achieve-
ment in comparison with the pre-Eisenhower
era, but it remains no more than a token
force.
By the end of next year, Eisenhower's
planners expect to have available more than
fifty divisions. This is so optimistic a fore-
cast that it is difficult to escape the suspi-
cion that someone has been counting a lot
of German chickens long before they are
hatched. Even so, adding the military forces
available in Greece, Turkey and Yugoslavia,
the end of 1952 should mark what one of
Eisenhower's most brilliant subordinates
calls "the threshold of usefulness." In other
words, bar a war, sometime during 1952-53,
the balance of power could, theoretically, be-
gin to redress itself.
Yet here it must be said that this de-
pends on a lot of things, principally, as
usual, on the United States. For example,
the one absolutely indispensable condition
is superiority, if not supremacy, in the
air. Logically this should be the major
contribution of the United States to the
North Atlantic defense force. Yet if the
planning figures mean anything at all,
Washington does not now intend to make
this contribution.
The precise figures are wrapped in se-
crecy, but this much can be said. First, pre-
sent plans call fpr an American contribution
to N.A.T.O. of no more than about 25 per
cent of the total N.A.T.O. air strength. Sec-
ond, until very recently, there were less than
200 American Air Force planes in the whole
N.A.T.O. force. Third, although this number
is being increased, the planned total Ameri-
can contribution, even as far ahead as 1954,
is extraordinarily unimpressive.
* .* *
THUS, EVEN BY 1954, the total planned
N.A.T.O. air force will equal only about
three-quarters of the first-line tactical air
strength which the Soviet bloc could hurl
against Europe at this very moment. And
this Soviet tactical force in Europe in turn
represents only about 40 per cent of the
whole air strength available to the Politburo.
Obviously this is simply not good enough. A
force which is both vastly inferior on the

ground and .decidedly inferior in the air
cannot be saved, even by tacticai atomic
bombs or mystery weapons, as the best men
in Eisenhower's headquarters agree.
The plain fact is that the United States
is in grave danger of falling between two
stools. We have committed ourselves to
the defense of Europe simply because to
fail to do so would be to invite our own
defeat in isolation. Our commitment is
tentative, reluctant, with fingers crossed,
which is almost as bad as no commitment
at all. This is true because really we still
doubt that the job can be done. Yet, as
Eisenhower so deeply believes, the job can
most certainly be done.
It is nonsense to doubt that it can be done.
It is nonsense to doubt that American in-
dustrial might, combined with the sort of
spirit in Europe this reporter observed grow-
ing among the French troops, can match
the power of the slave state. And if only the
job is done, and done fast, as Eisenhower al-
so likes to tell visitors, then we can really
begin to breathe again.
(Copyright, 1951, New York Herald Tribune, Inc.)
I [NLESS WE CAN cope with the problem
of abolishing war: there is no reason

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rASHINGTON-Diplomats returned from the Ottawa Conferencea
report privately that it wasn't anywhere near as successful as1
the headlines and the official preys communiques indicated. .
In fact, it ducked the most important problem for which itf
was called-the question of deciding how much money is to be
spent on European rearmament and how much for civilian uses.I
Furthermore, the Ottawa diplomats did not even bother to readE
General Eisenhower's report on Europe's military defense. Ike had
prepared a report on the present strength of Europe, and on howl
much more armament would be necessary. But his analysis was notv
even read.2
Instead it was referred to the next meeting in Rome, which will
not be held until November-after Great Britain gets a new govern-f
ment.
Most of this took place at closed-door sessions and was not known
to the public.1
Keynote of the general attitude at the Ottawa Conference1
was a speech given by Bjarni Benediktsson, Foreign Minister of
Iceland, a handsome viking-type gentleman with long, droopingS
mustaches very much like a walrus.
"Iceland," said Foreign Minister Benediktsson at the first closed
session, "has already done her share. We can do no more. We haveC
American troops on our soil. And we have a new air base at Reyk-
javik which is keeping all the people awake."'
- ONE-SIDED GAME -
0THER foreign ministers took a similar position. They weren't
quite so blunt, but their general feeling was that further efforts'
should come from the United States. As one delegate put it after-,
ward: "It was like a tennis game played against a wall, with the
United States the lone tennis player and Europe the wall." ,
Secretary of State Acheson led off the first closed-door ses-
sion with a none too inspiring speech. Whereas he was very
much on the ball at San Francisco, Dean seemed tired at Ottawa.
He addressed the foreign and finance ministers on the obvious
fact that Russian foreign policy has not changed in several hun-
dred years, that it continues one of aggression, and that Russia
under the Kremlin, as under the czar, is still struggling for warm-
water ports.
Acheson also dwelt on the equally obvious act that trouble in
the Near and Middle East-as Iran-could vitally affect Europe.
Another delegate read lugubrious quotations from Lenin showing,
Russia's passion for conquest-quotations which were well known and
presuihably of no great import to a group of world leaders gathered
because they were already aware of theatened Soviet aggression.
The Portuguese delegate also complained: "The one country
which has stanchly and consistently fought Communism is not here.
It should be seated beside us, carrying on this battle shoulder to
shoulder. I refer of course to Spain."
- BEVAN'S GHOST -
Though he wasn't present, the chief shadow which hung over the
conference was that of Aneurin Bevan, resigned British Minister of
Health, who left the Labor government because he claimed it was
spending too much on armament -and not enough on health benefits.
The standard of living of the British people, he argued, must not
come down.
Unquestionably a majority of the foreign ministers at Ottawa
agreed privately with ex-minister Bevan. They didn't put it in
exactly the same words, but they knew that their governments
would fall if workers' wages were further reduced by inflation-
and inflation is increasing because of rearmament. They also
knew that Communism inside their countries would increase if
they spent too much money on armies to resist Communism from
the outside.
This was the real problem at Ottawa-and it was ducked. It was
ducked by appointing a committee of twelve-"the twelve wise men"
they were called-to study the matter and report later.
Meanwhile, most of Europe also ducks the problem of heavier
taxation in the upper brackets and revamping of its system of putting
the chief tax burden on the masses. 'Ihis remains one of the greatest
breeders of Communism inside Europe, but it was not discussed, even
informally, at Ottawa.
- WASHINGTON PIPELINE -
THE Army has lost all control over its chief lobbyist on Capitol Hill,
Brig. Gen. Robert Moore. He has so many friends in Congress
that he ignores his bosses in the Pentagon and does as he pleases.
When the Army passed over his promotion, Moore's congressional
friends made him a General anyhow by writing it into the appropria-
tions bill.
Defense Mobilizer Charles Wilson and other government big-
wigs will act as faculty members for an institute on defense
administration, beginning next week at American University.
Senator Welker of Idaho caused ex-FBI man Downey Rice to turn
down the job of- chief investigator for the senate committee to in-
vestigate crime in the nation's capitol. Welker put Rice through a
humiliating cross-examination and made it plain that he intended
to bulldoze the committee. So Rice bowed out.
(Copyright, 1951, by the Bell Syndicate, Inc.)

fette' TO THE EDITOR
The Daily welcomes communications from its readers on matters of
general interest, and will publish all letters which are signed by the writer
and in good taste. Letters exceeding 300 words in length, defamatory or
libelous letters, and letters which for any reason are not in good taste will
be condensed. edited or withheld from publication at the discretion of the
editors.

Young Republicans ...
['o the Editor:
FOUND the two letters in your
Sunday issue concerning the
Young Republicans of considerable
interest.
While I quite agree with the
wo writers in condemning the
tactics of Messrs. McCarthy, Lew-
is, Jenner, Cain, etc., on the other
hand I feel that the students of
the University should be given the
opportunity to see and hear them
via the speaker's rostrum. During
the summer months, I listened
several times to Fulton Lewis' 7
p.m.; radio broadcast over the
Mutual Network, and engaged in
many a chuckle over what he had
to say. He really puts on quite a
verbal performance when he be-
comes roused over some question,
and I imagine he would be even
more amusing to see than just
hear if you gave him a controver-
sial subject to talk on.
It isn't practiced too much in
this country, but it is common
custom in England, and I believe
in European countries, to permit
any man to have his say but to
heckle him unmercifully during
and after his talk. Of course it
requires courage in one's convic-
tions to give an unpopular person
opportunity to express himself in
this way, for the audience must be
as donvinced and informed regard-
ing their point of view as the
speaker in his if they are going
to oppose his arguments success-
fully.-
Although I am not a registered
Republican, I am interested in the
activities of the party and its mem-
jpers because I feel that in this
party rather than the Democratic
will the struggle between reaction
and liberalism in this country be
decided. A group such as the Mich-
igan Young Republican Club is I
feel, an important part of the na-
tional structure of the party. I
do hope, however, that the present
leaders of the group, who seem to
be of the liberal wing of the party,
will not be so doctrinaire as to in-
vite only speakers of their per-
suasion. They will do more con-
structive good, and serve the cause
of liberalism and democracy bet-
ter, if they give their opponents a
right to be heard too.
--DonM. Cregier 
Football Scene.. ..
To the Editor:
SUNDAY MORNING headline:
"MSC Wallops Michigan, 25-
0." It was a subtle reminder that
"Mighty Michigan" had lost a
football game. But there were
many more, less subtle reminders
which started during the latter
part of the first quarter of the
game. Reminders which sounded
similar to those heard after the
MSC and Illinois games last yea
-reminders which do not reflec
well upon our reputation. They
boil down to the attitude that ou
team is no good, they have n
fight, no class,'no spirit. This at
titude is helping to smear the in
stitution of aplege football, an
along with it, Michigan.
We ought to have fewer "hard-
losers," rah-rah alumni and' othe:
assorted decadent individuals here
We have to foster the right atti-
tude. This attitude was illustrate
at the stadium Saturday by thos
who stood behind and joined in:a
chorus of "The Victors." No, i
was not an ironic thing to do; ou
team did its best, and in doing sc
accomplished what it set out to dc
In spite of numerousset-backs las
year, we were Conference anc
Rose Bowl champions. That i
large part was due to the fact tha
more students lingered to sin
"The Victors" thangshuffled off
grumbling.
Let's keep our name clean. Let',
not have the name Michigan as

sociated' with the bad in college
football. We have a reputation--
let's keep it!
-Victor Bloom
Football Scene ..
To the Editor:
PROCEEDING from the genera
to the specific may I expres
the following:
Whereas the state of collegiat
athletics presents' an unsavour;
picture (scandals, New York Time
investigations),
Whereas the condition of col
lege football is particularly repre
hensible (E.G. "Saturday's Hero")
Whereas the University of Mi
chigan football scene exhibits
controversial character (Al Jack
son),
Whereas we are not going to b
"Champions of the West" anyhoa

,

(25-0 defeat by an "upstate" agri-
cultural school),
Therefore I submit that the time
has come for this institution to
follow the sterling lead of the Un-
versity of Chicago-de-emphasize.
-Leo D. Vichules
** *
Dance Daughter...
To the Editor:
IN THE PAST couple of years,
the arts have experienced a re
markable growth and acceptance
in Ann Arbor. The School of Mu-
sic consistently presents high per-
forming quality; the Museum of
Art in Alumni Memorial Hall can
quench any existing thirst for the
graphic arts; Generation provides
an exciting literary outlet for stu-
dent artists; and the Arts Theatre
Club remains the most positive
dramatic asset this community has
ever supported.
With such great evidence for in-
terest and support of the arts in
Ann Arbor, it is so curious and un-
fortunate that there is no appre-
ciable concern for the Dance. The
Dance is an art and, like the the-
atre, it needs group participation
and support to survive. But it is
difficult to participate in an art
that just isn't around; one can't.
support the Dance if it just isn't
available.
The University certainly has
done little to encourage its avail-
ability. They conscientiously en-
dorse lectures, concprts, and mu-
seum displays, but just as consci-
entiously ignore the Dance. And
Ssurely it is innocent to suppese
that one art can flourish alone,
nor can the community of arts
lacking one of its members be a
healthy body.
Last year Ann Arbor students
and townsfolk had to troop to Al-
bion and Lansing to enjoy the
'Martha Graham and Sader's-
Wells ballet performances while
the--mentors of the Athens of the
West talked of inadequate facili-
ties to sponsor such events here,'
There were no facilities for Atom
Bomb research in Ann Arbor either
until the University provided them
It is a constant source of won-
der why the University has not
given the Speech Department a
theatreHof its own--a theatre that.
could as adequately facilitate per-
formances of the Dance as those,
of drama.
Look, Ma, we wanna Dance.But
whereq And how? And when? Andl
why not?
-Adele Hager
,: * #
Academic Scene.. .
To the Editor:
NOW THAT the football season
is over, the students can get
back to their stu'dies.
-JG. Gaull
H. Sherbin
r,
y
r~~
-

I

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Sixty-Second Year
Edited and managed by students of
the University of Michigan under the
authority of the Board of Control of
Student Publications.
Editorial Staff
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Ted Papes.............Sports Editor
George Flint ...Associate Sports Editor
Jim Parker ... Associate Sports, Editor
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Jo Ketelhut, Associate Women's Editor
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r

BARNABYi P q: .y .

Atlas, I'm sure a Mental Giant
like you must be bubbling with

If anything about the advanced design,
construction method, or technical detail
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