THE MICHIGAN DAIL Y ,MONDAY DECE

MBER 15, 194

cl 4r , xr rt.gttn Daily

Bill Of Rights Anniversary

Raises Liberty Issue In

War

Edited and managed by students of the UnivXsity'of
Michigan under the authority of the Board in Control
of Student Publications.
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Editorial Staff

Emile Geld
Alvin Dann
David Lachenbruc

h

. . . Managing Editor
. . . . Editorial- Director
. . . . . City Editor

Jay McCormick
1'al Wilson
Arthur Hill
Janet Hiatt
Grace Miller.
Virginia Mitchell
Daniel Hr Huyett
James B. Collins
Louise Carpenter
Evelyn Wright

. . . . Associate
. . . . Sports
. . Assistant Sports
. . . .Women's
. . Assistant Women's
.Exchange

Editor
Editor
Editor
Editor
Editor
Editor

Business Staff
. . . Business Manager
Associate Business Manager
. Women's Advertising Manager
. Women's Business Manager

NIGHT EDITORS: MINTZ and THATCHER
The editorials published in The Michigan
Daily are written by members of The Daily
staff and represent the views of the writers
only.
What A Goodfellow ,
Purchase Means . .
IT IS yet to be disproved that we can
remain isolated, conscientiously,
from the troubles of the more unfortunate mem-
bers of our community, unheeding and uninter-
ested in the violent forces that; disrupt their ex-
istence.
To dg so is a denial of justice, certainly, but
more than that, it is a violation of better judg-
ment.
Today; when morale is a concern of the na-
tion as vital as any of materials, it is essential
that morale in the "marginal income" families
be bolstered to a new peak.
It is up to us to realize and act upon the
fact that these families who earn only
enough for subsistence find innumerable
problemhs of morale largely foreign to most
of us.
In these families, for example, the apparently
trivial matter of who is giving a Christmas pres-
ent to the children, not what the present is, may
actually make or break a family. The Family
and Children's Service, chief recipient of Good-
fellow funds, has proved this time and time
agan.
And correction of this one simple trouble,
made possible through your Goodfellow con-
tribution, will not only strengthen family morale,
but national morale, for "the family is the back-
bone of the nation."
When you buy a Goodfellow Daily, you are
giving to an agency which looks after family
needs throughout the entire year, not just at
Christm\as
The Family and Children's Service does not
attempt to provide unemployment relief, as does
a public relief agency, but works on a rehabilita-
tion basis-its motto-"Everything we do is
along the lines of helping ipeople to help them-
selves."
The Service believes, for example, that family
solidarity is built when children receive presents
from their parents, though originally given by
an agency. ;t supports the children's faith in
their parents. And the effect on parents is also
distinctly more healthy than otherwise.
This is the type of public aid that must be
constantly strengthened. It represents, in
innumerable ways, intelligence and under-
standing too often absent from other char-
ities.
Recognition of its worth, however, has dropped
consistently each year, until, last year's receipts
totalled less than half of those collected in the
first Goodfellow Drive seven years ag.
Today's awyakened, conscientious members
of our community-students, faculty and
townspeople--must once again demonstrate
their interest in their fellow human beings.
They aim to beat the record goal of $1,675.
It is with deepest sincerity that we thank all
of those determined to make this possible-the.
faculty and University officials, the campus
groups and honor societies for their service in
offering their time and effort in arranging and
selling, the advertisers who exceeded their ob-

TODAY, because it is the 150th anni-
versary of our Bill of Rights, is a
day when millions of Americans will think and
talk in general terms about how'fine it is that
we enjoy freedom of speech, of press, of thought
and of religion.
And all too many of them will do so in com-
plete ignorance of the fact that their govern-
ment has already begun to restrict many of these
liberties. All too many of them will do so, know-
ing that such is the case, but excusing it upon
the grounds that we are at war or minimizing
its importance in comparison to "the greater
job of defeating the Axis."
Without doubt the most lagrant example so
far of governmental restrictions upon the basic
rights of American citizens is the prosecution
and conviction of 18 Trotskyists on charges of
conspiracy to create insubordination in the
armed forces of the United States. As was ex-
plained in the December 4th issue of The Daily,
these men were sentenced to imprisonment, not
because of any action they took against the gov-
ernment, but etirey because of an opinion they
were supposed to have expressed.
The Department of Justice could not even
make claim to following the Holmes-Brandeis
theory of "clear and present danger." For the
danger that the tiny Socialist Workers' Party-
whose total membership is less than the number
of employes in the Department of Justice itself
-might be the nucleus of a gigantic revolution-
ary movement was neither clear nor present.
What was clear was the fact that this convic-
tion upon opinion alone represented an impend-
ing danger to every liberty-loving American. It
established a precedent which may deny person
after person his freedom of thought and expres-
sion. It opens the way to prosecution of any sin-
cere and honest citizen who criticizes his gov-
ernment. It is the opening wedge toward the
imprisonment of anyone belonging to a so-called
"revolutionary" party.
We must remember what happened during,
and shortly after, the last war. We must re-
The, Reply Churlish
* by TOUCHSTONE
FEET SCUFFLE on sidewalks, voices hum and
rise clear, and hum again, a car horn blares-
an old lady with a cane, a girl with nice legs, a
short fat guy with glasses-doors bang open and
hiss hyda lically, slowly shut, canned music at
five cents a shot, "steak plate special up," bottle
openers, soft cloths, store window dummies, dirty
snow in gutters, and a cop with a red face.
These are part of it. It's a place where the in-
tellect hangs around, where the noise and pain
of living wear the mind down, and people resort
to emotions, feelings as a substitute. It's a place
where the good that comes must come from sen-
timental motives and not reason. That the good
comes is a hope, for the wearing, sanding, thin-
ning process increases its tempo with the whin-
ing, rising pitch of a dynamo. But from all that
energy, not power-only an unreality that must
pass for reality.
TODAY PEOPLE STAND on sidewalks selling
these papers. You who buy them do so why?
Good motives, a sense of the need that they may
help, a feeling that once a few times a year you
can afford to give, that your quarter will help
some person. And then, with the q arter, the
person is forgotten. You love mankidd with the
dropping of a quarter. There must be a tag, a
paper, a box with a slot through which you can
drop your love and then go on. Some avoid pay-
ing the bill, some srug their ways past the calls
of the society-page amateur beggars. You* look at
these money lovers, these cynics or misers, and
are comforted, for you have bought your way
out of their ranks. Your emotions are easier
by the lack of charity on their part. Your mids
can now go on about the practical business of
living.
Your minds. The practical business of living.
And when you are alone sometimes, you are
afraid of something. Do you know with your
minds what it is? No, but those old emotions tell
you. Nobody gives a damn. You look through the
world for that quarter you dropped, and all you
find is somebody else dropping a quarter, and

going about the practical business of living. For
all these, centuries now, the poor are always with
us. Give them a quarter. Feed them quarters
and mush, shed a tear over their sorry plight:
Save your minds for the practical business of
living.
AQUARTER will buy a bum a banner in a city
flop house. When he gets up he goes out to
cadge another quarter. Quarters are cheap. They
protect the mind from thinking about bums.
They are carelessly given, and carelessly taken.
You do not buy love or an answer from the bum.
You do not consider the why of charity. You
will fight an increase in taxes, you will segregate
people and keep their rents high," you will move
away from a man who stinks because he cannot
pay to take a bath, you will-oh Lord-say how
can people live like that. Your minds-you will
say-are occupied with the practical business of
living.
YOU WILL RESENT all this. Yu will say why
the hell does he pick the charity edition to
bawl us out in. Charity smells. In the middle of
charity J want you to know that in those minds
of yourslies the answer to charity, and the death
of charity. Somewhere, everywhere in those
crowds, those good natured, emotional people,
are parts of the love and thought that could, if
lilrrlfnroho c rlfnavr llf- n r lfallmn r riv

member the Palmer raids, the mass deporta-
tions, the frantic crushing of the I.W.W.,
the Sacco-Vanzetti case. We must remem-
ber all of these things which mocked at
justice and came near causing an entire
generation of young people to lose faith in
democracy. And we must not let them hap-
pen again.
But, it is argued, war has always meant at
least a temporary loss of freedom, a temporary
triumph of tyranny. It is said that dictatorship
is necessary for a successful prosecution of the
war. And, in-part, this is true. But, as John
Dos Passos tells us, "If in the present war, out
of a blind desire to catch up to the Nazis, we
neglect to preserve the democratic process, we
shall wake up one morning to find that we've
given our blood and paid our taxes in order to
fasten on our necks the dominio of a bunch of
war lords who speak American instead of Ger-
man. A doubtful victory!"
IT just does not make sense that we should
send our youth out to fight, to die for
freedom and for liberty and then to do away
with those fame ideals here at home. Nei-
ther does it make sense that, to gain a little
in hypothetical efficiency, we lose a real
and tangible democracy which has taken
150 years to build and to maintain. And
such actions as the Trotskyists' conviction
are the beginning of what may be the end.
Ii the heat of war hysteria almost anything
can happen, as we learned in the last war. One
case is on record in which a man who said he
wished "Woodrow Wilson was in hell," and was
imprisoned. The statement was twisted by the
judge and jury until it became a threat to mur-
der the President.
That seems ridiculous to us now. We say that
it could never happen again. And yet emotions
have not changed much in 20 years. Long before
the war began many of dr larger cities denied
Lindbergh and Wheeler the right to express their
opinion. Other evidences of hysteria are all
around us. The chopping down of Japanese
cherry trees, the burning of perfectly good, valu-
able Japanese and German products, while not
denying freedom to anyone are, nevertheless,
evidences of the same basic, wild emotions.
IT IS up to the Anerican people to calm them-
selves. It is up to the American people-and
its government-to remember that hysteria and
injustice do not win a war, nor preserve free-
dom. It is up to the American people-and
their government-to remember and abide by
the famous statement of the Supreme Court in
the Milligan case after the Civil War: "The
Constitution of the United States is a law for
rulers and people, equally in war and in peace,
and covers with the shield of its protection all
classes qf men, at all times, and under all cir-
cumstances."
The fears expressed in this editorial may
be exaggerated. The trial of a few theor-
etical Communists, the destruction of a
cherry tree may seem unimportant and
trivial. But this is no time to wait and find
out. This is no timie to idly celebrate a Bill
of Rights on one day and then forget it on
the next. This is not a time for idle talk and
chatter about the benefits of freedom and
democracy. If there was ever a time for ac-
tion, that time is now. If there was ever a
time when the American people must at once
stand united in a war on foreign soil and
in a domestic fight for freedom this is it.
They must show their government that they
do not intend to shed their blood in vain,
- Homer Swander
~MUSTC
SUNDAY'S CONCERT
"THE MESSIAH" ................... Handel
Conductor ...............Thor Johnson
Soloists
Soprano ................Marie Wikins
Contralto ................ Edwina Eustis
Tenor .......... . . Ernest McChesney
Baritone ................Douglas Beattie
Organist ............... Palmer Christian

SINCE IT IS IMPOSSIBLE for me'to give a
true impression of the concert because of be-
ing involved with a tuba for most of the per-
formance, the best I can manage are a few obser-
vatioris which stood out in myamind.
An uncut version of the "Messiah" runs around
four hours and the problem is to make appropri-
ate omissions without disturbing the general
trend of tunes as Handel conceived them. That
being done, the next task is to keep the audience
from falling asleep if the guiding light of the pro-
gram thinks Handel is toot 'dull for a modern
audience. If so, then thle tunes are cut up and
their order, to a certain extent, rehashed so as
to give the soloists an equal chance and to give
the oratoria more emotional "lift." Then to top
off the whole business, a certain number of
trinkets are added to the orchestration (celeste,
English Horn, tuba), and the climaxes are de-
veloped to maximum intensity. That constitutes
a sure-fire formula for ."knocking 'em off their
pins." That, more or less, was the version pre-
sented in Hill Auditorium yesterday.
HOWEVER, what was left of Handel was good.
Mr. Johnson must be given all the credit for
his training of the chorus whicl4 exhibited good
tone, ensemble, and precise attacks, and for his
peedinglv fine temni From my nlace in the

Drew Person
Robert.Allen
WASHINGTON, Dec. 14.-It is now
possible to tell the tragic insid
story of the diplomatic negotiations
which Secretary Hull was conducting
while the Japanese were preparing
their secret attack on Pearl Harbo
and the United States.
The real story goes back to early
August when Prince Konoye sent a
,cable to the President asking that
they meet at a conference to discuss
Pacific problems. When this was re-
ceived in the State Department, Max-
well Hamilton, chief of the Depart-
ment's Far Eastern Division. proposed
that the United States negotiate.
However, a group of his advisers in
the Far Eastern Divisiop, who had
been in Japan recently, were con-
vinced that everything Japan was
doing pointed to wr against the
United States.
This group of no appeasers, how-
ever, was not consulted regarding ap-
peasement conversations. So finally
they drafted a two-page memoran-
dum warning that diplomatic negoti-
ations would lead to disaster. For the
sake of their own records, they want-
ed it made clear that they were op-
posed to appeasement. Also they
wanted to go over Max Hamilton's
head to Secretary Hull.
Those who signed this warning
were Cabot Coville, Joseph M. Jones,
Frank A. Schuler, John R. Davies,
Herbert Fales and E. Paul Tenney.
U.S. Cliveden Set
IMMEDIATELY they were sum-
moned before Hamilton, the chief
of the Far Eastern Division. iam-
ilton bawled out his subordinates and
told them they had no business inter-
fering. But they insisted that their
memorandum be taken direct to Sec-
retary Hull. And Cabot Coville, in
protest against appeasement, re-
signed. When his resignation came
to the attention of Assistant Secre-
tary Berle, however, Berle refused to
accept it, and Coville was transferred
to the Philippines where he is today.
The chief results of his efforts to op-
pose appeasement are that today he
is being subjected to the bombing
attacks which he himrself, warned
were coming.
Frank Schuler, another of the
rebels, was shortly transferred to a
tiny post in the British Virgin Is-
lands.
These men were all hardened ex-
perts on the Far East who had lived
there and who knew Japan. They
were not youngsters. However, their
warning memorandum, though it fin-
ally did reach the hands of Secretary
Hull, made no impression. A few
weeks later Special Envoy Kurusu
was sent to Washington with a big
blare of Tokyo trumpets about peace,
and the negotiations continued.
Koreans Warn Hull
ABOUT this time, Secretary Hull
was receiving letters from Kor-
eans in the United States warn-
ing that Japan was preparing to at-
tack tie United States. Koreans, be-
ing a subject rae, hate their Japan-
ese conquerors. Frequently operat-
ing as servants, they have maintained
an amazing underground intelligence
system in Japan.
On Oct. 28, 1941, Kilsoo K. Haan, a
Korean who had been a member of
the Japanese consular service, wrote
Mr. Hull reporting a meeting of the

Black Dragon Society (secret fascist
order of the Jalenese military) on
[Aug. 26 in which Foreign Minister
Hirata revealed "a total war prepara-
tion to meet the armed forces of the
United States."
Mr. Haan was introduced to Secre-
tary Hull by Senator Gillette of Iowa,
so his letter did not come from an
unknown crackpot.
Despite this, Secretary Hull's con-
versations with Envoy Kurusu began
shortly thereafter, and continued in
very earnest vein. Mr. Hull appar-
ently believed that something could
be worked out with the Japanese, and
at one point he and his State De-
partment advisers actually thought
that an agreement was just around
the corner.
Churchill Objects
THIS was on Nov. 24 and 25. Mr.
Kurusu suddenly seemed willing
to talk a three-month commercial
truce.
At the very time Mr. Hull was dis-
cussing this plan with Kurusu, his
Government in Tokyo is now revealed
as even then already launching its
plan for attacking Hawaii.

1 4

"Tonight I want to be proud of you
your mouth!"

dear!-Just don't open

GRIN AND BEAR IT

Biy Lichty

a4
' T f r, ' 1T4 :.ji

Fundamental Aspects
Of America's Battle..

ran1f
g- '
:' -



To the Editor:
THE EVENTS of the past weekend
have shocked America into the
sudden and startling realization that
'the world is round, and that a wish
to remain aloof from a struggle in-
volving most of mankind is not suf-
ficient to insure peace.I
At such a time it will be wise for
Americans to realize that to the ex-
tent that destruction of life, civilized
morality, and property has been
broadened to include another great
power the war has become a greater
scourge to mankind. It is not niore
serious only because America has been
drawn into the conflict.
The very nature of the prosecution
of a war carries a grave danger for
the future, to which Americans must
not allow themselves tp be blinded:
preoccupation with military cam-
paigns and strategy in the days ahead
must not be allowed to exclude
thought about the objectives for
which Americans believe they are
fighting, and the responsibility that
may someday be theirs to guarantee
that such a lebacle will not recur.
We must remember, in spite of the
importance we shall be attaching to
particular battles and campaigns, that
ultimately it is the impact of ideas
upon human affairs which is most
significant in the long run. There-
fore, it seems to me imperative that
university communities during the
coming months (or years) be con-
tinually aware of thei r1at respon-
sibility to mankind, since they are
the factories in which ideas are fab-
ricated.
U'NDERLYING the present war, us-
ually thought of as a conflict of
ideologies, I submit, is a deeper con-
flict of two attitudes toward the state,
whose struggles for dominance fre-
quently recur i history.
First, one might judge a nation's
greatness on the basis of its mili-
tary lower. This attitude has pre-
vailed in the "have-not" nations for
almst ten years, and of necessity
p reVails in all warring nations.
Second, one might regard a peo-
ple's contributions to a richer ma-
terial and cultural life for humanity
as the measure of its greatness.
Germans, under this view, would be
proudest of Goethe and Einstein,
English of Shakespeare and New-
ton, Americans of Mark Twain and'
Edison.
WHILE A WAR is in progress, forces
are set at work which tend to
perpetuate the standard of military
strength beyond the period of con-
flict. However, miost Americans today
seem to prefer the second stadard
and are living now for the day when
this criterion of greatness may be re-
established in the world,
For many, however, it is not possi-
ble to see how any other standards
than military prowess can be consis-
on the plan he hit the ceilng. He
did not think the Japanese would
keep faith, and argued that it mere-
ly gave the Japanese more time to
increase their armament. Simultan-

tently applied in a world of unchecked
national political sovereignty. If ulti-
mate recourse to arms is always to
lurk in the background of interna-
tional negotiations, it will always be
to a nation's advantage to maintain
a powerful military establishment.
The special pertinence of this fact
to a "post-war" period requires no
elaboration.
Since the breakup of Pax Ro-
mana in the fifth century there
have been three conspicuous mo-
ments in history when the ideal of
a nation of mankind might have
been realized except for the'short-
sightedness of contemporary wield-
ers of power.
The first was in the early fifteenth
century, before the Protestant Refor-
mation, when an enlightened Roman
Catholic Church (of which everyone
in 'Europe was a member) might
have consolidated its great powers
into a constitutional organization,
and from that tihe forwards acted
as a mediator in secular disputes,
perhaps even preventing the subse-
quent rise to power of Machiavell-
ianism. Such a plan was, in fact, pro-
posed within the church, but was re-
jected by imperialists of that day.
The second great opportunity came
to Napoleor4 early in the nineteenth
century, when he was universally
thought of as the spokesma for a
new order built upon "liberty, equal-
ity, a.nd fraternity," in the days when
men were anxious to die for those
ideals of the French and American
revolutions, Inspired by such an ideal,
Beethoven dedicatedhis mighty Ero-
ica Symphony to Napoleon. The Cor-
sican's absurd mimicry ofnCaesar and
his surrender to the intrigues of the
"old order" are well known to every
schoolboy.
The third great opportunity was
twenty-two years ago, when an Amer-
ican conceived the idea of a League
of Nations to supervise international
relations. The tragic repudiation of
that ideal by America and, later, Eng-
land and France, is told in contem-
porary newspaper files.
If we grant the possibility of an
eventual Allied "victory" in the pres-
ent war, humanity may again be ap-
proacl}g another great , moment
when the forces of history pause to
ask of men, "Whither now?" It would
be easy to subscribe to gloomy pre-
dictions about such a moment. All
the great civilized powers will have
been engaged in a life and death total
war. Reason's voice will be "still
smaller" than usual when they ap-
preciate the potentialities for revenge.
Home populations will demand ven-
geance for ruined cities and bleeding
loved ones.
,
In the background, however, will
again be the inscrutable destiny of
the dommon people of the world,
asking whether their leaders have
the courage to act toward each
other as fellow human bdings, to
provide institutions which will en-
able the common people to share
equitably in the wold's wealth, and
to live together peacefully and de-
cently.
If mankind is not to deny its ob-
vious and fundamental unity a fourth
time at tsuch a possible moment, men
shall be called upon to change over-
night their militant cries of, "Smash
hell out of them" to the civilized ob-
jective of "Live at peace with them."
A Christian peace must be based upon
consent, not police power!
Let us in Ann Arbor, then, per-
severe now with even greater vigor
than during peace time, in the de-
velopment of ideas. I belive the fu-
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Howeyer, Secretary Hull was so eously the plan leaked out to the
anxious to rush this ,truce to a con- Chinese, and the Chinese Ambassador
clusion that he did not want to give delivered a personal protest from
Lord Halifax time to cable the plan General Chiang Kai-shek to the
to London for Churchill's approval- President.
even though the British and Austril- In view of the Churchill and Chi-
ians were sitting in on the conver- nese objections, Secretary Hull sud-
sations. denly withdrew his proposal of a
Lord Halifax insisted, however, and three-month truce and fell back on
when Churchill aot a chable renrt.the traditional American policy of the