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December 07, 1938 - Image 4

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The Michigan Daily, 1938-12-07

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E AlICHI

.7A IATLY

Threat Of Dictatorship Is Cause,
Not Result, Of Strikes In France

it Seems To Me

By HEYWOOD BROIJN

T l

Ju lU V rcayiC @4RRP w ThM pV$IySEhT NSLca7 ,/ tninA 7 NIMAI$ 'w yc8OT ir~t
Edited and managed by students of the University of
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NIGHT EDITOR: ELLIOTT MARANISs
The editorials published in The Michigan
Daily are written by members of the Daily
staff and represent the views of the writers
only.
Lupescu Vs. Cristea
In Rumania.
WHEN CRIES of "Tunisia! Tunisia!"
rang through the richly-decorated
halls of the Italian Chamber of Deputies, the
shouting delegates, led by Secretary General
Achille Starace fulfilled a prediction we made
two weeks ago that the next move to be made
by the Rome-Berlin axis would be for African
territory.
Daladier, troubled by internal strife, has
taken a firm stand against Mussolini's demands.
It is likely, however, that the Italians will win
port rights in Djibuti, and railway rights on the
French-owned Addis Ababa line. But whatever
concessions the dictators wring from France, the
fact. that they win something will be another
feather in their cap. It is interesting to note here
that in his "Mein Kampf" Herr Hitler says that
when a country makes a concession to another
power, she loses part of her ability to resist fur-
ther demands.
After the Tuiisia affair is settled, it will be
Hitler's turn again. And his ambitions run on a
much higher plane than those of his Italian col-
league. The real showdown will come in the ever-
turbulent Balkans. Hitler's ultimate goal is
Soviet Russia, and his means to that end is
physical power by absorbing the wealth of
Rumania, Yugoslovia and Hungary. But once
Germany reaches Rumania, the open road to
the Ukraine and Russia, the Soviets will start
the fireworks, no matter what position England
and France may take. Rumania is the key
state in Hitler's drive to the east, and the inter-
nal affairs of that country are worthy of serious
consideration.
Never a strong monarch, King Carol was
probably forced by the anti-fascist business in-
terests to oust Octavian Goga, strong pro-Ger-
man premier, last February, and set up his own
dictatorship to prevent a Nazi Anschluss. How-
ever, he named as his premier the 69 year old
Patriarch of the Rumanian Orthodox Church,,
Miron Cristea, whose fascist and anti-Semitic
inclinations are well known. In addition to a
strong argument that capitulation to Germany,
Rumania's best customer, would be very benefi-
cial, the white-bearded Patriarch has the full
advantage of the Nazi propaganda machine be-
hind him.
Dramatically another force, that has fre-
quently decided the fate of nations is work-
ing behind the scenes. Madame Lupescu, Carol's
half-Jewish mistress is known to be the saviour
of the 800,000 Rumanian Jews, and a strong op-
ponent of the recently decapitated Iron Guard.
It is significant that reports from Paris and
London at the time of Carol's fruitless visit to
obtain aid from Daladier and Chamberlain
against the Nazi drive, mention in the lead
paragraph that Madame Lupescu accompanied
him. It is difficult to say what exactly is going on
in the palace at Bucharest, but it is safe to ven-
ture that the reactionary Cristea and Madame
Lupescu constitute a balance controlling Carol's
course.
Just what the Rumanian monarch does in his
precarious situation, that in turn may re-mak
the map of Europe, will depend a great deal on
the influence these two people have on him.
--Morton Jampel

Labor Installs Rightist Rule
As Issues Go To Chamber
By S. U. KLEIMAN
To the casual reader of last week's Paris dis-
patches, two things would appear to be true:
first, that the general strike dealt a crippling
blow to individual liberty in France, and that a
dictatorship now threatens; second, that the
strike was a refusal of labor to relinquish for the
common good the gains it made under the Popu-
lar Front. But a more careful delving into the
background of the present situation revels that
the first "fact" is at least dubious, while the
second is a vicious distorition.
An understanding of recent developments i"
France demands that a clear picture be drawn
of the conditions that precipitated the desperate
protest of labor against the policies of the Dala-
dier government. The general strike did not rise
out of thin air; nor was it the result, pure and
simple, of the abolition of the 40-hour week. The
attitude expressed by the general strike can be
traced back at least as far as April, 1938, when
the Senate forced the resignation of the Blum
Ministry, and Daladier, the "wild bull of La
Camargue," came to power. The recent decrees,
which embody the "three-year plan" for econ-
omic recovery proposed by Finance Minister Paul
Reynaud, merely delivered the final shock that
forced the undercurrents of discontent to burst
through in a geyser of violent protest.
alum Presents Program
Last April, the Blum Ministry faced a per-
plexing financial and economic crisis. Factory
production, never quite recovered since the be-
ginning of the depression, was declining rapidly.
Rearmament, accelerated by Germany's absorp-
tion of Austria, was draining the treasury. Strikes,
stimulated by the 40 per cent rise in the cost of
living since 1936, were tying up the metal and
the motor industries. But the greatest problem bP
far was presented by the flight abroad of French
capital. Recovery, dependent upon theereinvest-
ment of capital to produce an expansion of
French industry, followed out of the country
with capital.
To meet this problem, Blum presented a finan-
cial program to Parliament, requesting decree
powers for 90 days to set his plan in operation. HI
proposed a centralization of exchange opera-
tions that would act to dam the torrent of capital
rushing abroad. Business "confidence," he felt,
could be restored and industrial expansion en-
couraged by slashing the budget deficit. This he
proposed to accomplish largely by a small capital
levy on landed property, falling mainly upon
the peasants, who have always paid a dispropor-
tionately small share of the national revenue.
The Chamber of Deputies adopted the resolu-
tion embodying Blum's plan by a vote of 311 to
250. But the conservative Senators, elected for
nine years and unresponsive to the popular will,
killed the resolution by a vote of 223 to 49. It is
significant to note that one of the factors be-
hind the Senate action was the sudden wave of
strikes in the engineering industry, which, ac-
cording to the London Times, gathered fresh
impetus from the intransigence of certain em-
ployers who wanted to embarrass Blum.
Banks Support Daladier
Thus Daladier came to power. Forming a gov-
ernment whose memibers were all to the right of
the Socialists, and promising that there would
be no imposition of exchange control or of a capi-
tal levy, he received shortly the decree powers
which had been refused to Blum. According to
the New York Times: "What was exceptional
and important was that M. Mann in the after-
noon and Pierre-Etienne Flandin in the evening
left the Right and Right-Center to vote for it
(the Daladier government) and promised that
the 15;000,000,000 franc national defense loan,
which former Premier Leon Blum had declared
could not be raised, would be forthcoming. France
has again a government that can borrow, and
its strength lies in that fact almost above all
others."
Thus, French labor saw the government of the
Popular Front, representing a large majority

of the electorate, broken by what it felt was a
combination sit-down and walk-out strike by
capital. Labor saw a concerted effort by the in-
dustrialists and bankers to bring the Blum cabi-
net to its knees by (a) refusing to lend money to
the government on acceptable terms; (b) turn-
ing the flight of capital abroad into a rout,
thereby not only depressing the value of the
franc and raising the cost of living, bit prevent-
ing an increase in factory production by remov-
ing the funds necessary for the expansion of
French industry. In the mind of the French
workingman there was the fear that the "two
hundred families," symbols of big business and
high finance, had deliberately sabotaged the
national economy to crush the Popular Front
and install, by financial coercion, a government
that would scrap the advantages gained by labor
in the past two years-scrap the 40-hour week,
the annual vacation with pay, the program of
public works and social security; reverse the
labor policy of the Popular Front government,
which refused to break strikes by use of force.
Capital Trickles hack
Now Daladier was in power. Daladier, the
"strong man"-the man who was forced to re-
sign from the premiership the last time he held it
by the popular outcry over the bloody day of
Feb. 6. 1934, when troops fired on demonstrators
in the Place de la Concorde. And so, last Spring,
capital slowly began to trickle back into the
country.

.clearance, and a few concessions to industry in
minor adjustments to the 40-hour week.
Recovery, however, was still hiding behin
some far-off corner. Capital. though returning,
was merely leaking back in dribbles. The "con-
fidence" of the investor, it seems, had not yet
been fully restored.
So, on August 21, Daladier made a speech
Masking his meaning behind a 'mass of vague
promises predicting better times, he delivered a
wily attack upon the 40-hour week. Immediately,
the two Independent Socialists in the cabinet,
the Ministers of Labor and of Public Works, who
had not been consulted about the speech, resigned
in protest. The rift between Daladier and the
left-wingers, however, was closed soon afterward
when, evidently fearing to .alienate the Social-
ists (the largest single party in the Chamber),
lest he become wholly dependent upon the re-
actionary Right, Daladier repudiated any inten-
tion of a frontal attack on labor standards.
But labor, nevertheless. indicated its willing-
ness to make concessions in the national inter-
est. And representatives of the Popular Front
parties, meeting on August 26, ironed out a
compromise decree authorizing the extension of
overtime without limit in the national defense in-
dustries and with a limit of 100 hours per year
elsewhere. They were unable, however, to arrive
at an agreement in regard to overtime rates:
labor asked that the existing rates, varying from
"time and a quarter" to "time and a half" be
maintained. Daladier suggested that the rates
be reduced to one and one-tenth times the nor-
mal wage. As a result they agreed to shelve the
question of pay until the Chamber should meet.
In September events moved rapidly. The inter-
national situation seized attention at the centei
of the stage. Behind the wings, hidden from the'
audience, Daladier and Chamberlain agreed to
surrender Czechoslovakia. In France, after a few
days of feverish preparation for war, the Frenclf
people were ready to accept almost any settle-
ment. Parliament was called before the nation
could recover from its trance and without de-
bate the Chamber approved the Munich agree-
ment, then adjourned, granting new plenary
powers to the Daladier government,
See Price Of Munich
But gradually, as the results of the Munich
settlement were weighed, disillusionment cast a
gloomy shadow over France. Slowly, greater and
greater numbers of Frenchmen came to feel
that a strong Anglo-French stand in the early
days of the negotiations would have kept Czecho-
slovakia whole, that if Daladier and Chamber-
lain had not actually conspired with Hitler,
then they had at least betrayed France by their
stupidity. A strong suspicion grew in the popular,
mind that the French mobilization before Munich
was a carefully prepared palliative designed to
lessen the pain of a severe diplomatic defeat.
In the meanwhile, the hope of economic recov-
ery was lost in some bomb-proof cellar. On Nov.
5, Finance Minister Marchandeau threw up his
hands in dismay. He had become convinced that
it would be impossible to stimulate prosperit
without a capital levy and at least a partial form
of exchange control. But the cabinet vetoed his
proposals under pressure from the "two hundred"
(according to Alexander Werth, the Paris cor-
respondent of the New Statesman and Nation
and of the Manchester Guardian). Instead of
resigning, Marchandeau swapped posts with Paul
Reynaud, the minister of justice.
The famous Reynaud decrees were drawn up.
They included the liquidation of the entire public
works program, the discharging of 40,000 railway
workers, tax increases falling heavily upon the
low income groups and the virtual abolition of
the 40-hour week with an accompanying cut in
the rate of overtime pay.
Strike Follows Decrees
The general strike was called.
But the strike was a protest against the aboli-
tion of the 40-hour week and the other Reynaud
decrees only-insofar asthe decrees were the sym-
bol of all that had happened since April. The
decrees merely provided the spark to touch off a
heap of explosive grievances that had been accum-
ulating since the fall of the Blum Ministry. The
picture, as it appeared to Labor, had the Munich
"betrayal" in the foreground along with the
Reynaud decrees. In the background, labor saw

capital, with its flight abroad, its use of loans as
a political weapon and its influence in the Sen-
ate, strangling the Popular Front; it saw the
"two hundred," by pressure on the Daladier Min-
istry, blasting two years of social reform and rid-
ing the government hard in the pursuit of profit.
For labor, the fog had lifted. The jig-saw puzzle
finally fitted together. In April there was only a
fear. Now there was hard reality.
What then, remains of the argument that
the strike was a refusal of labor to relinquish for
the common good the gains it made under the
Popular Front? The insidious words are '"for the
common good." In his speech of Nov. 16, M.
Jouhaux, head of the General Confederation of
Labor-the C.G.T., pointed out that "Trade-
union labor is ready to take a large share in a
program of sacrifices, but it does not accept sacri-
fices that are contrary to the general interest.
A sound economy cannot be built on the basis of
Get rich, you capitalists, and may the working
class sink lower than ever!'
Labor Conciliatory
The facts bear out the contention that labor
maintained a conciliatory attitude throughout,
while the same can hardly be said of the oth4
side. The incident following Daladier's speech of
Aug. 21, to which we referred above, is a case in
point. Labor made certain concessions then, btft
it was decided that the question of overtime rates
would be submitted to Parliament; now, with

It is interesting and decidedly dis-
turbing to find that the verdict of the
Hitler press in regard to Daladier's
"victory" parallels very closely the
opinion expressed in a number of
American editor-
ials. Both in Ber-
lin and New York
the Bonnet-Dal-
adier attempt at
a military coup
} is hailed as "a
triumph of law
and order. The
peace of Munich
begins to flourish
and grow crimson berries.
It was said when the pact was
made that, after all, even a harsh
compromise would be better than to
have the youth of France blown to
bits by the Nazi aviators. But now
French workers find that they have
escaped the threat of possible bombs
from across the border only to face
the reality of bayonets commandeered
by a dictatorial group in their own
land. And they may very well find
that French Fascism can be just as
fatal to their interests and their lives
as that of the Nazis. Bullets made at
home can scarify as much as any
moulded in a foreign land.
The Object Lesson
It has been and it will be said over
and over again that what goes on in
France is not the business of any
American, and that it is arrogant and
impertinent for any local commenta-
tor to attempt to interpret the course
of events which are happening far
away. But this admonition is uttered
by many articulate editors who are
themselves using the French crisis
as what they call "an object lesson
to organized labor in America.'
I quite agree that it should be an

object lesson, but I would make one
slight change in the moral which I
find drawn in many pieces written
hereabouts. All these approving
articles about Daladier and Bonnet
say that the French leaders have
saved, democracy from Communism.
There is sometimes a grudging admis-
sion that possibly the Premier has
violated legal and constitutional pre-
cedent in order to have his way. But
'his is excused on the ground that
when there is a threat of Red rebel-
lion constitutional government can
oreserve traditional liberties only by
taking on many of the aspects of
Fascist dictatorship.
Familiar But Not True
Fascism never comes to any demo-
And the familiar line runs that
cratic country save as the answer to
Communism. That's a poor answer,
and, besides, it would be much more
precise to say that the first step to-
ward any Fascist coup is to raise the
fake cry of "Communism!"
If there were not a single Commun-
ist in the United Statesthe Red men-
ace orators would still be with us.
They would see the threat in the New
Deal. And in a pinch they might even
pretend to fear that Norman Thomas
and his eighteen thousand Socialist
followers in New Yorkwere about to
seize the arsenals.
The lesson which French labor is
learning very late American labor
should learn in advance. When any-
body begins to shout "Red!" at trade
unionists they should be forewarned
that he is about to make a try to re-
strict or destroy the canstitutional
rights and liberties of the common
man.
Dictat'orship as a preservative for
democracyranks with prussic 'acid as
a headache cure.

By WILLIAM J. LICHTENWANGER gram has been increasingly in evi-
dence. It is the program comprising
Some Musical Modes two symphonies separated by a non-
Fashions in concert programs, like symphonic work, and its current
Fasion inconertproram, lkechampion' in this country is Serge
those in women's clothes, are always Koussevitzky. Last year Koussevitz-
changing. About the only difference ky treated Ann Arbor to the Haydn
between the two is that whereas the G major Symphony No. 88 and the
Paris modes obviously follow the well- Sibelius Second, with Prokofieff's
known vicious circle, some definite new and delightful suite from his
music to the film Lieutenant Kije as
improvement in program making can interlude. Tonight it is to be another
be seen over the course of many years.,Hyd .smponyt N s o. 102noBft
Eighty years ago, when Theodore Haydn symphony, No. 102 in B flat,
Thomas began his crusading to estab- andkyFoith Dnbussy'srvosTi -
lish the symphony orchestra as an sionistic Sea between.
American institution, the popular ,
orchestral program consisted of an Haydn And Koussvitzky
array of polkas and marches, varied The impelling features of such a
with heart songs and the most operat- combination are many. Haydn and
ic of operatic arias. In 1879 Thomas Koussevitzky, for instance, make an
took his barnstorming orchestra for unbeatable team. More than any oth-
the first time to Chicago, then just er modern conductor, Koussevitzky
rebuilt from the fire, and "wowed" has revived the good "Paa o. ul
the young Swifts and Armours with bloodediand vigood Papa to full-
his aetherial string transcription of blooded and vigorous estece out of
Schumann's Trauierei, and the WiI- the dull and pedantic tomb to which
liam Tell Overture. Fifteen years theo ast century consigned him.
later he had established his orchestra To offset the unfamiliarity of the
permanently in Chicago, and had HaydTschaikowskythopulart andf
raised his public's standards of en- balance Haydn's more chaste, classic
joyment to the level of the Beethoven lines there is Tshaikowsky's melodi-
Fifth and the Tannhaeuser Overture. ous, dynamic "good theater." If the
The Boom Period Haydn Symphony be called, in terms
of the drama, a series of well-grouped
Then in the early part of this cen- one-act plays, then the Fourth Sym-
tury came the boom period in Ameri- phony is a rip-snorting four-act melo-
can music, bringing to life the major- drama. with its conflicts, love scenes,
ity of the many younger orchestras of ballet, and ultimately triumphant
today, and thus establishing sym- hero. In the same way, Debussy's
phonic music on a permanent and La Mer, subtly suggesting the moods
democratic basis in the country. The and impressions of one contemplat-
modern varied yet entirely whole- ing the sea, its restlessness and phan-
sonime symphonic program came into tasmagory and eternal mystery, would
being; built around a symphony, to be a piece of musical Gertrude Stein,
which was added an overture, con- using tones as compartively unrelated.
certo, or suite, and some "lighter" stimulants to emotion rather than as
music of the dance type or perhaps related ideas--a sort of orchestral
an operatic excerpt, its mainstays "stream of consciousness." And in
were quite often Tschaikowsky and this way tones are far more success-
Wagner, with Beethoven always near ful than words could be, since they
the top, and such youngsters as appeal directly to the emotions with-
Strauss, Sibelius, and Stravinsky com- out the necessity of translation by the
ing in for their share. imagination, and since, paradoxically,
But recently another, what might they are less particularized and there-
be called a "de luxe," type of pro- fore less confusing and misleading.
an indication of a similar frame economic "laws" one cannot fail to
of mind on the part of the gov- recognize that with the fall of the
ernment. But Daladier, on the Blum Ministry, the course of French
other hand, maintained a lofty atti- government was set in the direction
tude, refusing to negotiate br even to that the interess of capital demand-
provide a basis for negotiation until ed. In other words, it does not mat-
the strike was called off. Ironically ter whether one agrees with labor
enough, the strike probably would that the "two hundred" had seized
never have been called if Daladier control of government. It is only im-
had kept his promise to convoke portant to realize that after the events
Parliament for Nov. 15. Thus we see of April there was a growing tendency
labor offering concessions in the in- (culminating in the Reynaud de-
terest of a recovery program and the trees for government to rule in the
government, working in, the interest interests of the industrialists.
of capital, adamant, demanding all Thus, although the general strike
or nothing. appears at first glance to have failed
What, then, of the statement that sadly, in reality, it accomplished
individual liberty was dealt a heavy much. The premier was informed by
blow by the general strike and that a certain military chiefs that the
dictatorship threatens? French regular army could not be

Notices
Student Tea: President and Mrs.
Ruthven will be at home to students,
Wednesday fiom 4 to 6 p.m.
Social Directors, Sorority Chapr-
ons, Househeads and Undergradate
Women: The closing hour for those
girls who are attending the Sopho-
more Prom, Friday, Dec. 9, wil be
2:30 a.m.
To The Members of the University
Council: There will be a meeting of
the University Council on Monday,
Dec. 12, at 4:15 p.m. in Room 1009
A.H.
Louis A. Hopkins, Secretary,
Choral Union Members: Pass tick-
ets for the Boston Symphony Or-
chestra concert will -e given out to
Choral Union members in good
standing who call in person at the
Recorder's Office, School of Music
building, Wednesday, Dec. 7, between
the hours of 10 and 12, and 1 and 4.
After 4 o'clock no tickets will be
given out.
Congress Cooperative Housing: Ap-
plication blanks for the new co6pera-
tive house are now available in the
Dean of Students office, Room 2,
University Hall, and in Room 306
Union. It is imperative for all men
planning to apply for membership in
the house to be present at the 'next
general meeting, Sun., Dec. 11, at 3
p.m. in Room 306 Union, at wiich
time application blanks will be col-
lected and a schedule of interviews
with the membership committee will
be made. Men seeking positions of
house manager, steward, purchasing
agent, treasurer, or accountant are
reminded that they are expected to
spend some time this week with the
corresponding officers inkthe other
houses.
Pictures of the International Din-
ner: Anyone wishing pictures .of'the
International Dinner. may see the
proofs and leave their orders in the
office of the International Center.
Bowling: Women students interest-
ed in bowling instruction are asked to
sign up at the Women's Athletic
Building, or Barbour Gymnasium.
Notice to Public Health Nurses: Miss
Anna L. Tittman, Director of the
Nurse's Placement Service will talk
to the public health nursing group at
3 p.m. Wednesday, Dec. 7, in the West
Amphitheatre, West Medical .Build-
ing. Miss Tittman will be available
for a limited number of consultations
on Dec. 8 with students desirous of
securing positions. Appointments may
be made through the office of the
Division of Hygiene and Public
Health.
Academic Notices
Psychology 115: Instead of the us-
ual hour this class will meet 'Wed-
nesday from 4 to 6 in Room 2116
Natural Science.
Exhibitions
Exhibition, College of Architecture:
A collection of etchings and litho-
graphs by prominent American ar-
tists, shown through the courtesy of
Professor Walter J. Gores. Corridor
cases, ground floor, Architecture
Building. Open daily except Sunday
through Jan. 2. The public is invit-
ed.
Ann Arbor Artists' Mart: Sponsored
by the Ann Arbor Art Association, al-
so an Exhibition of Prints from the
Chicago Artists Group. Alumni Mem-
orial Hall, North and South Galleries;
afternoons from 2 to 5; evenings '1to
10; Sundays, 2 to 5. Through Dec.
15.

Lectures
American Chemical Socety Lecture.
Dr. E. J. Miller will speak on "dhemi-.
al Research in the Michigan Agri-
ultural Experiment Station" in Room
303, Chemistry Building, at 4:15 p.m.,
Wednesday, Dec. 7. The annual busi-
ess meeting will be held immediately
after the lecture.
Choral Union Concert. The Boston
Symphony Orchestra, Serge Kousse-
vitzky, Conductor, will give a con-
cert in the Choral Union Series Wed-
(Continued on Page 6)

I

ment" along fascist lines; it suc-
cessfully challenged the power of the
government to rule in the interest of
large-scale capital alone.
With the convening of Parliament,
the ultimate' decision will be removed
to the hands of the Chamber. Stories
are rife in Paris concerning the pro-
tests of the premier's cabinet col-
leagues against his firm intent to
"govern." Added to the cries of "Tun-
isia" from Italy, revealing as they do
the fundamental fallacy of "appeas-
ing" the dictators, this discontent may

It should be clear by now that it
was a dictatorship against which
French labor was protesting. The
dictatorship it fought was a tyranny
by the "two hundred." It saw large-
scale capital, deliberately motivated
by tenuf' P ai hr ntremsts:torina

used against the French people, if a
showdown came (Edgar Ansel Mow-
rer in the Chicago Daily News). In
private enterprise as a whole more
than 30 per cent of the employes
walked out. In many key industries
fully 85 per cent of the workers joined

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