THEMICHIGAN DAILY

WEDNESDAY, OCT. 7, 19

THE MICHIGAN DAILY

1936 Member 1937
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Board of Editors
MANAGING EDITOR ...............ELSIE A. PIERCE
ASSOCIATE EDITOR ...........FRED WARNER NEAL
ASSOCIATE EDITOR .......MARSHALL D. SHULMAN
George Andros Jewel Wuerfel Richard Hershey
Ralph W. Hurd Robert Cummins Clinton B.HConger
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NIGHT EDITOR: JAMES A. BOOZER
Critical
Reading...
SEVERAL days ago we reprinted on
this page an editorial from the
New York Times in which a pro-Roosevelt stand
was taken. Yesterday we presented some of the
reasons given by the St. Louis Post-Dispatch for
an opposite stand. Today, we offer a brief an-
swer to the Times editorial by the New York Her-
ald-Trib~une, and the article by Walter Lipp-
mann in which that noted columnist declares
himself in favor of Landon. We present them
because we believe a more intelligent point of
view/ can be formed in the cross-fire of these
conflicting declarations.
However, these statements must be read crit-
ically. For example, the St. Louis Post-Dispatch
had a logical editorial which follows straight-
forwardly, for the most part, from the premise
of the danger against states' rights. Certain par-
agraphs in the statement deserved to be read
with skepticism pending further proof: as, for
example, the paragraph which read as follows:
"The drift or direction of the Roosevelt
policies is clear. The direction is toward a
Washington bureaucracy with control over
industry and agriculture; toward continua-
tion of governmental interference in the
disputes between employer and employe, in-
terference that must in the end cripple the
right of the employe to use his full economic
power against the employer; toward con-
tinuation of wasteful methods of relief; to-
ward continued efforts to get around the
Constitution; toward continuation or en-
largement of the present army of 824,000
Federal employes." }
Ask yourself, as you read such statements as
these, whether you are opposed to the work of
the Labor department in the settlement of labor
disputes; ask yourself how that assistance
cripples the employe, especially. Many have
charged that the reverse is true. We mention
these points not to attempt an answer to the
article, but merely to encourage a critical atti-
tude on your part. Furthermore, do you agree

with the premise?
Similarly with the Lippmann article today.
Lippmann has been rated as an astute critic of
contemporary affairs, but this article, we feel,
does not represent him at his best. We suggest,
for example, that the following points be kept in
mind.
"Think, for example, of what a vast and com-
plicated undertaking the blue prints of the
social security call for . . ." This is true. "If
measures of this sort are to endure, they must
be made to work." This, of course, is also true.
But what leads Mr. Lippmann to believe that a
social security program can be worked out by
a coalition between people on the one hand who
have to date offered no positive suggestions for
a social security program whatsoever, and on the
other by those who have seceded from the party
which has offered something more than destruc-
tive pciticism?

probable that a party whose support is derived
from the largest fortunes and business interests
in the country would take the lead in instituting
such reforms.
Mr. Lippmann speaks of progressivism. In
what sense does he use the term? Moreover,
what principles in Governor Landon's platform
does he call progressive? Perhaps he is correct,
using the term within the framework of the Re-
publican party, that is, as opposed to the term
Old Guard, but a unified social program, to say
nothing of one which could be called progressive,
has not been forthcoming.
What isthere, besides faith, to warrant a belief
that those who have criticized 'domination by
professors' will "organize an administration in
which representative men will share the respon-
sibility?"
More fundamental is this question: should our
vote be cast upon this basis alone-that our next
President should be of a different political party
than the Congress-or are there other issues to
be considered, such as, to name but a few, spe-
cific questions of social reform, farm and inter-
national policies?
On The Importance
Of Method .. .
PROF. CLARENCE D. MANION of
Notre Dame, speaking Monday
night in the Union, declared that President
Roosevelt's methods may have been unorthodox
but his ends were sound, and that as a result,
there was no need for alarm.
The Daily has frequently ridiculed the charge
that Roosevelt has attempted to undermine the
Constitution, but at the same time we have crit-
icized the President for his advocacy of legisla-
tion obviously unconstitutional. And we wish
to take issue with Professor Manion over his re-
marks on the unimportance of method.
Method, particularly in a democracy like ours,
is of vital importance. The "American way" and
the "democratic way" are not empty words. They
signify the entire philosophy that underlies our
government.
Our government under the Constitution as-
sumes that authority emanates from the people.
It presupposes that no action not specifically
granted to representatives of the people, be they
executive, legislative or judicial, is legal. It as-
sumes that there is no excuse whatever for any
governmental agency doing anything it is not
constitutionally granted power to do and not do-
ing anything it is ordered to do. Ours, as has
so often been said, is a government of specifically
delegated powers, in which the residium is the
people.
It is one of the penalties of a constitutional
democracy that it is slow and cumbersome. Na-
poleon, that arch-minimizer of method, once said
that dictatorship is like a fast schooner. It plows
rapidly through the water in the direction it
wishes to go. But, Napoleon added, it is very
apt to be upset by a huge wave or, in its swift
course, strike a rock and sink. Democracy, he
said, is like a big raft-slow, wallowing, frequent-
ly half under water, but utterly unsinkable.
Thus we disapprove of unconstitutional action,
no matter how worthy the end may be. It is
better, we believe, that we should have child
labor, for instance, for as long a time as it takes
for the states to ratify an amendment abolishing
it than cut through the principles that safe-
guard our liberties and establish a dangerous
precedent.
It is not that we believe President Roosevelt
has or had any desire to harm our constitution.
He is, we feel, a better patriot than some of his
opponents. But we do think that no precedent
that could some time make way for dictatorial
action should be established.
The method of action in a democracy, there-
fore, we hold to be of the utmost importance.
And under no circumstances do we countenance
an undemocratic and unconstitutional method to
obtain a democratic and constitutional end, even
if the accomplishment of that end be less quickly
materialized.

THE FORUM
Letters published in this column should not be
construed as expressing the editorial opinion of The
Daily. Anonymous contributions will be disregarded.
The names of communicants will, however, be regarded
as confidential upon request. Contributors are asked
to be brief, the editors reserving the right to condense
all letters of more than 300 words and to accept or
reject letters upon the criteria of general editorial
importance and interest to the campus.
The Only Safeguard
To the Editor:
In the "White House" of the Confederacy, in
Richmond, this spring, a woman called my at-
tention to a copy of the Confederate Constitu-
tion, observing that "that" was what would hap-
pen to our Federal Constitution if we didn't look
out. My reply upon that occasion was neatly
expressed nearly a century ago by John D. Pierce,
Superintendent of Public Instruction of the State
of Michigan. Writing from his office at Mar-
shall, Dec. 31, he said the following, as a part of
his Annual Report for 1838:
"It has of late been urged with great power
and eloquence, and with distinguished learning
(by Mr. De Tocqueville), that our constitution
and forms of government furnish no security
against the encroachments and oppressive acts
of the majority. This, however, is no defect;
for no form of government, and no constitution
within the power of man to devise, can provide
such security. Our safety is not in constitutions
and forms of government, but in the establish-
ment of a right system of general education; in
the development and culture of those moral,
as well as intellectual, powers implanted in the
nature of man. So far as these nnwer s a sen

BENEATH ****
****** ITALL
f- By Bonth Williams-
ACCORDING to John Brennan, blond haired
sophomore guard on the Kipke eleven, there
is no place screwier than one of these "little bit
of France" places stuck in some University town.
John worked in such a local mad house here
this summer and after a couple of weeks he got
more or less used to the raucous screeching of a
group of would-be-French-a group made up of
every kind of typical American.
John gave up listening and just watched. He
got so he could bring in the butter and the
water at just the right times and knew when
the star boarder wanted more roast beef. But
one day Brennan had to go out of town, so he
got big Forrest Jordan to take his place.
Forrest knows very little French, and when in
complete consternation he stood in the dining
room trying to figure out which end was up, the
jabbering French scholars were of very little aid.
Bringing in a pitcher of water, Forrest felt
nervous, and when the star boarder turned sud-
denly and bellowed, "apportez moi-,"Forrest's
big hand trembled and he slopped ice water all
over the naked pate of the speaker, effectually
cancelling the order.
Jordan immediately whipped a handkerchief
out of his pocket and dabbed nervously at the
dampened cranium, while the whole dining room
rolled on the floor and the fat man found
English a more convenient medium of expres-
sion.
* * * *
The Wolverine hockey captain is carrying a
full schedule and plans to put in 8 hours a day
at Ford's until the semester really gets under-
way.
tibilities, the emotions, the feelings, which make
up the great sum of mind, must be cultivated and
improved by right instruction. Generally dif-
fused education, combining the great powers of
intelligence and a pure virtue, is the only safe-
guard of our public and our private rights; and
upon the progress of this alone, depends the fu-
ture permanence and character of all our re-
publican institutions."
The point I wish to make is that Mr. Pierce's
words are quite as true and pertinent today as
they were when they were written. Surely, the
usefulness and the force of the Federal Consti-
tution, as well as the power of the Covenant of
the League of Nations, upon which the security
of the Constitution now depends, lie in the main-
tenance and development of general education.
As Sir Norman Angell insists, it all comes down
to the enlightenment and the responsibility of
the plain man.
-R. W. Noyes.
Rippling Rhythm
To the Editor:
Your policy of non-partisanship in handling
all phases of news has till now met with my
humble approval, but after reading Sunday's
Radio Column, I have been prompted to what
follows:
The subject in question is your writer's un-
called for and decidedly biased opinion of the
newest style in dance music known as "Rippling
Rhythm." Those of us from the East have thor-
oughly enjoyed dancing to Shep Fields during the
past Summer, and I believe I can safely say that
his music was well received during his stay in
the Windy City ... until Station WGN, with its
policy of airing a local band not just once but
several times a night, made its listeners sick of
"Rippling Rhythm"-as it continues to do with
other bands under its wing.
Possibly your writer is a bit "swing" minded,
as hinted in his comment on the recent Satur-
day night swing sessions, and therefore cannot
appreciate any form of the so-called "sweet"
type of music. As for myself, let me say that
I have enjoyed both kinds of presentday popular
music but have, like many, become tired of lis-
tening to the myriad of "swing" bands whose
aim, it appears, is to throw melody to the winds

and rely on rhythm alone. Getting back to the
above-mentioned swing sessions, it is only fair
to acknowledge the value of such a program in
bringing to the radio audience past and present
ferent network, there is presented a half hour of
continuous popular music, under the direction of
Meredith Willson, which is as representative, if
not more so, of "sweet" music as were the Sat-
urday night sessions of "swing" . . . and which
seems to have been overlooked by your writer due
to his mania for "swing."
Trusting this will not cause an avalanche of
letters from both "swing" and "sweet" followers,
and, hoping that your writer will not be offended,
(as his literary efforts on other subjects are with-
out criticism), I remain,
-John Mills, (Gargoyle Music Ed.)
As Others See It
Herald-Tribune Replies
A REASONED CHOICE IN THREE SENTENCES
(Or Why "The New York Times" has Resolved
to Support President Roosevelt)
(From the New York Herald-Tribune)
ONE-President Roosevelt could not possibly
be as awful in the next four years as he
has been in the past.
Two-The way to calm wild radicals is to kiss
them on both cheeks and give them half of what
they want.
Three-Tn nrdr to sU1l1nUt shic nanon

M SI
A Review
FRIENDS AND FIDDLERS
By Catherine Drinker Bowen
ANY and various are the books
which one finds in those sectionsc
of a library devoted to Music. Theret
are books on Brahms, counterpoint,
piccolo-playing, Greek modes, andt
How to Sing in Ten Easy Lessons.t
There are ponderous tomes Pxplain-r
ing the complexities of Pagannini'sI
left-hand technique or of Wagner'se
philosophic incubi. There are vol-
umes eulogizing tenors, band-leaders,c
Tuesday Morning Musical Clubs, anda
all manner of miscellaneous virtuosi.a
To a casual observer or a mant
searching for a book with an unre-
membered title, it would seem that
just about every subject pertaining
to music has been fully discussed,
voted on, and the meeting adjourned.
But there's always room for one
more, whether in an elevator or ont
a library shelf. Last year, Little,
Brown and Co., of Boston, publishedt
a little book (compared with An-
thony or Gone With The Wind it's
hardly more than a pamphlet) which
gives sound to a voice hitherto prac-
tically unheard amidst the shouting
throng. It is a book, not about gen-
iuses or the musically elite, but aboutI
those to whom music is an indoor
sport, a source of joy rather than1
an accomplishment; about those
rabid fans who swing and sweat theiri
way through angry black pages of
Brahms and Beethoven; about "the
lady who cannot sing and knows it,
but who foregathers with friends to
prove Bach upon the unskilled
"larynx"; in other words, about
Friends and Fiddlers.
The fire which animates this crisp-
ly charming little volume is a gen-
eration of the mind and musical ex-
periences of Catherine Drinker Bow-
en, a Philadelphia society woman, aut
thoress, and professionally amateur
musician. The "society woman" is a
doubtful epithet which should not be.
held against Mrs. Bowen; for, al-
though she evidently belongs to a
prominent and reasonably well-to-do
family, her musical friends are among
those who worship Euterpe with
sweaty hands and tapping feet, rather
than among those who do lip-service
and send their gold to the altar by
others. These friends range from
viola-wives and wild-eyed cellists to
lawyer-fiddlers and at least one or-
gan builder "of the true faith." In
seeking their musical companionship
she fiddles her way from Phila-
delphia to Washington to Boston to
Buffalo, always returning, however,
to the home of her pianist-brother
John, whom it is easy to see she still
worships with all the awe and ad-
miration of a kid sister.
To transmit an accurate idea of the
actual content of Friends and Fid-
diers would be almost impossible.
Structurally, the book barely escapes
being a collection of anecdotes. Even
so, the writer's engaging, refreshing,
sometimes boisterous but always un-
mistakably feminine narrative style
breathes vitality into each separate
chapter. But there is more to be
found in the book than mere anec-
dotal enjoyment. Through the' va-
rious chapters, which bear such in-
triguing titles as "On musical hunger,
its causes and cures," "God makes the
viola players, but ego makes the
soloists," and "On cellists, wild and
domesticated," there runs a deter-
mined undercurrent of good-natured
but intense and unshakable devotion
to the highest and purest in music.
Mrs. Bowen stamps her none-too-
maidenly foot with impatience at
those hypocrites who "simply love
music but cannot carry a tune," or
those oh-so-musical persons whose
entire musical activity consists in oc-

casionally perpetrating musical eve-
nings, at which the victims stare with
idle curiosity at the musicians and
with jealousy at each other's gowns.
She sadly believes that it is easier
for the Biblical camel to do the
needle trick than for the rich man
to pass through the golden gates of
true musical enjoyment. She la-
ments, still more sadly, the continued
existence of the singer who dissi-
pates her silvery voice and 200 pounds
on trifles of the "Oh, No, John" va-
riety, and the violinist who prostitutes
his instrument with the popular tune
of the moment. One may not always
agree with the authoress in the ex-
treme to which she carries her point,
'but one never fails to admire the
vigor and enthusiasm with which she
dosit.
In the process of airing her pet
peeves and of recounting her nu-
merous experiences as an amateur
fiddler, Mrs. Bowen gives expression
to some stimulating philosophies.
Particularly interested is her discus-
sion of her own personal relationship
to music. As a child, she says, Beet-
hovenwas "melody-magic, swinging,
rushing melody-music like a thun-
derstorm." Now, as a mature woman
of 37 (curiously enough, being a
1 woman, ,Mrs. Bowen makes no bones
1 about telling her age), Beethoven is
no longer a thunderstorm; he speaks
with a voice "more quiet, yet more
triumphant than the thunder." In
fact, no attempt to express his mean-
ing now would be an impudence; such
a thing is possible only to the music
itself.
As to her still-distant but ever-ap-
oroaehinL aria + ,- - .

THE meaning of the election can
best be understood by keeping it
clearly in mind that the two land-
slides of 1932 and 1934 have given
the Democrats a majority in the
Senate which will stand throughout
the next four years. Even if Gover-
nor Landon were now elected by a
landslide, he can have a majority
only in the House of Representatives.
Lacking control of the Senate, he
cannot get a law passed or a law
amended or a law repealed or make
an important appointment without
the consent of at least some of the
Democrats and some of the Pro-
gressive Republicans. So even if he
wanted to, he could not give the
country a partisan Old Guard Re-
publican Administration.
The choice, therefore, is between
the kind of coalition Government
which Governor Landon must give
the'country and an indorsement of
a free hand for Mr. Roosevelt by giv-
ing him an undisputed majority.
The voter must decide whether he
wishes to be governed by the direct-
ing mind of Mr. Roosevelt or by a
meeting of minds among Conserva-
tive Republicans, Progressive Re-
publicans and Democrats.
In making his choice he knows
that Mr. Landon must govern
through a meeting of minds and
that Mr. Roosevelt has never gov-
erned in that fashion.
Now, I realize that coalition gov-
ernments have- many disadvantages.
Confronted by the kind of panic and
demoralization which prevailed in
1932-33, quick decisions made by a
leader who commands a disciplined
majority are necessary.
But experience shows also, I think,
that there are other situations where
coalition is the strongest and safest
form of government. Arter a period
of large but hasty reforms, a coali-
tion is the surest way to consolidate
the achievements and liquidate the
errors.
The first two American administra-
tions were coalition government in
which Washington kept Hamilton
and Jefferson in the same cabinet.
Best For Retrenchment
That had a lot to do with making
the untried government national and
stable. A coalition is also the most
effective form of government for re-
trenchment after great expenditures
Retrenchment means refusing the
demands of powerful groups; a na-
tional and bipartisan administration
is best able to refuse. Thus it was
in 1933, when Mr. Roosevelt had na-
tional support that he was able to
put the economy act into effect.
It was a national government in
England which balanced the budget
in 1931. It was a national govern-
ment in France under Poincaire
which balanced the French budget
after 1926.
A coalition government is the nec-
essary form of government when a
democratic nation is struggling to
be neutral or is engaged in war. It is
the only way of making all parties
share the responsibility, of allowing
all to contribute their strength, of
uniting on policies which unite the
people.
In the situation which confronts
us all these considerations exist. We
have great innovations half started
They have now to be administered
and consolidated. Think, for example
of what a vast and complicatedun-
dertaking the blue prints of the so-
cial security laws call for; or what the
program of agricultural conservation
entails; or the new financial legisla-
tion with its promise of a more effec-
tive managed currency and credit
If measures of this sort are to en-
dure, they must be made to work
And if they are to work, Republi-
cans as well as Democrats must learn
to believe in them by participating i
them.
We have a budget which is tending
to crystalize at a scale of expendi-
tures which is colossal and there i

no convincing evidence that econom-
ic recovery will in any substantia
sense automatically reduce these ex-
penditures. They are becoming the
focal points of powerful vested in-
terests. Yet we do not dare, I be-
lieve, to let such expenditures be-
come normal expenditures; if we do
we shall impair the nation's reserv
if it has to meet another emergency
It will take thencombined effort.
of both parties to reduce those ex-
penditures. It is not probable tha
any one party composed of ordinary
politicians would brave the reprisal
of these vested interests.
And then we are faced with threat
I do not say the certainty, of war ir
Europe and Asia. It will take all the
wisdom, all the resourcefulness, ant
all the practical experience we car
muster to keep unentangled, to dis
cern and then to protect our rea
interests, to discourage and quell the
passionate animosities which a for-
eign war tends to provoke.
We shall need in the years ahead
a government which will act in the
spirit of national union.
Because he can have no undisputec
old people, music will be her ever-
faithful and unchanging friend. And
L m;++ -----1 a,-.

partisan majority, Governor Landon
must conduct such a government, and
from what I know of his principles
and his temperament, his history
and his associations, he seems to
be well fitted to conduct a govern-
ment of national union.
He has never been a rabid par-
tisan. He followed Theodore Roose-
velt in his insurgency and he sup-
ported Franklin Roosevelt in 1933.
He has twice been elected governor
of Kansas in a period of great dis-
content among the farmers. No Old
Guard Republican could hve done
that.
A Real Progressive
This governor of a typical prairie
state was educated and disciplined
in the homeland of typical Ameri-
can progressivism in the heart of
the region where progressivism is not
a personal idiosyncracy but the dom-
inant social tradition.
That the Eastern conservatives are
today willing to trust a man of this
sort is evidence, I believe, that the
great mass of the American people is
moderate, is willing to give and take,
and that we are not doomed to fol-
low the continent of Europe into a
struggle among irreconcilable par-
ties. This means a lot.
For those who realize that the
United States must have peace at
home if it is to remain securely at
peace with the world, the most at-
tractive candidate must be the man
who is most likely to unite sections,
'nd factions, and divergent interest.
This is no time for crusades by
progressives against conservatives.
This is no time for the common
defense of an ordered civilization.
In that defense all the little differ-
ences which ordinarily decided the
parties must be submerged.
For there are much bigger things
at stake than anything involved in
the conflicts between farmers, work-
ingmen, employers and financiers;
and the paramount purpose of the
next president should be to convince
all these interests that each will be
represented in his councils, that all
must share the responsibility and
that none can rule the roost.
To those who feel this way it is
certainly of no consequence whatever
* that, Governor Landon is not an en-
tertaining orator, that he is more
persuasive face to face than he is
over the radio or in print.
If the world could be saved by
fluent orators, this earth would be a
paradise today. As a matter of fact,
it is most disordered, most nearly
lunatic, where the orators are in
the seats of authority.
It might well be said that the
making of peace within the nations
and among them depends on wheth-
er. practical negotiators, plain men
of affairs, ordinary politicians can
get the upper hand before the mob-
masters whip the peoples into an
incurable frenzy.
A Quiet Man Needed
The fact that Mr. Landon has
neither the instinct nor the art of the
demagogue but has, on the other
hand, the gift of personal persuasion
in private conference is to be counted
in his favor. If the world is ever to
be quiet again it will have to be
governed by reasonably quiet men.
The question must also be asked
- as to whether Governor Landon, who
I has had only local experience in gov-
erning Kansas, is equipped for the
- complex national and international
problems that must be'met. The an-
swer to that question depends upon
whether one believes or at least
wishes to believe that any individual
could be adequately equipped. I, for
. one, do not believe it.
I do not believe that the problems
- of this age can be solved by personal
- leadership. No individual is good
z enough or wise enough.
If what we want is strong ordered,
freeand pacific government, rather
than crusades, adventures and daz-
zling exploits, we 'must rely upon
s representative rather than upon per-

sonal government.
l We must not look to the Chief Ex-
ecutive for the ready answers to all
problems; we must expect him in-
stead to organize an administration
in which representative men will
share the responsibility.
We must trust to the President to
e make himself adequate by summon-
ing to his councils enough adequate
s men.,
(Copyright, 1936).
t
s Lepers Escape
From Hospital
-
Into Streets
1 MANILA, Oct. 6.-(JP)--Several
hundred lepers broke uot of San La-
zaro Hospital today, marched
through Manila streets to the Presi-
i dential Palace and protested against
being held as "prisoners."
For hours the afflicted hundreds
I paraded through the streets. Police
attempted to break up the demon-
stration but captured only 11.
The others went on to the grounds
of Maanna 'ona a- --i--- a

Mr. Lippmann s .Stand
-The Advantages Of A Coalition Government-
By WALTER LIPPMANN
(From the New York "Herald-Tribune)