ire g A6V A&I t 3 4 r t n Ot :43 t Feature Section I- Section VOL. XXXV. No. 36. ANN ARBOR, MICHIGAN, SUNDAY, NOVEMBER 2, 1924 EIGHT PI PAIGN ISqmmu=mv S US Ar THREE 4I _n -a_ Campus Professors Present The Aiguments of the Three Leading Parties In The Presidential Race g Campbell, and Burrows Outline the Platforms of Republicans, Democrats and Progressives Hobbs, ITV _ __ . . . j F t i i 9 THE THREE LEADING Presidential candidates in the 1924 race. Leff, Calvin Coolidge, Republican. Center, John W. Davis, Democrat. Right, Robert M. LaFollette, Progressive., 'I- i Republican- By William H. Hobbs s more than once before in our brief history, it is today a condition and not a theory which confronts us. Trenchantly expressed by our fore- most editor, the paramount issue is "Coolidge or chaos". No well-informed man of sound judgment, I ven- ture to say, now expects eitherDavis or LaFollette to win at the polls next Tuesday. The best that either can hope for is that Coolidge shall not re- ceive more electoral votes than both of them to- gether, in which event, settlement of the issue must be thrown into the Congress. Unfortunately the Congressional method of se- lecting President and Vice-President is such as would afford small likelihood of electing those' fav- ored by the majority of voters. Furthermore, even as modified by the Twelfth Amendment, the Constitu- tion does not clearly define the procedure for cer- tain probable contingencies, and hence the selection of our Chief Executive would be fraught with the gravest perils. Probably the best guess as to the outcome is that with the House deadlocked the five LaFollette senators would give their votes to the Democrats, thus making Bryan President. Experi- ence shows that a heavy reward would have to be made to LaFollette for this support. We cannot afford to forget that it was Bryan's brother who, made Wilson the nominee in the Baltimore Conven- tion; and, wholly incompetent though he was, Bryan was rewarded with the portfolio of Secretary of State to work irreparable mischief in one of the most momentous crises of our history. In defiance of the verdict of the people in 1920, but to lure a certain gloup of intellectuals, Davis, unmindful of the overwhelming defeat of Baker's resolution in the Convention which nominated him; has preached the Wilson League of Nations, vaguely promising to bring about American entry into the League. He must be aware that this promise could not be fulfilled without an overturn of popular feel- ing, and the recent play of politics at Geneva has made this more than ever improbable. The League of Nations and the proposed modificatipn of the Vol- stead Amendment are neither of them real issues of the campaign, for neither has the slightest chance of success. On the other hand, the International Court for the adjudication of disputes between na- tions, the Republican policy fathered by Roosevelt and Root, has been made a part of the aggressive policy of both the Harding and Coolidge administra- tions. The great issue of the campaign is whether com- munistic ideals shall be introduced into our govern- ment, and whether the sheet anchor of our Ship of State, the Supreme Court of the United States, shall be overruled by Congressional action. Greater reason for pride in its standard-bearers THE AUTHORS Prof. William Herbert Hobbs is the head of the geology department of the University, and is considered an authority on international political afairs. Prof. Oscar J. Campbell is a member of the English staff of the faculty and a prominent Democratic supporter. Edwin C. Burrows is a member of the journalism faculty and heads the local LaFollette publicity organization. by their records stand for those splendid traditions which have made this country respected among the nations of the earth. Against communism in govern- ment and against all assaults upon the Constitution of the United States their feet are firmly planted. Against unnecessary drains upon the Treasury of the United States and to cut down the mounting overhead expense of our government, the Harding and Coolidge Aldinistrations have both interposed effective barriers. Wasteful expenditure "hit the sky" under the preceding Democratic Administration, an Administration which threw money about, as was well said, "like a drunken sailor". It was the Dawes budget system, vetoed by Wilson but passed by the succeeding Republican Administration, which has made large retrenchment possible; and it was the "Dawes plan", now already in successful opera- tion, which has brought hope to Europe of its ulti- mate financial recovery. In President Coolidge we have a Chief Executive of few words, but one who, when he does break silence, gives expression to homely truths in amaz- ingly apt phrase and with telling directness. Pos- sessed of a New England conscience Coolidge com-' bines sound common sense with Yankee "gumption" -initiative plus persistent endeavor. The Coolidge courage of convictions has the Rooseveltian quality; and like Roosevelt also, Coolidge has bidden defiance to political formulas and, succeeding, has con- founded the professional politician. As evidence re- call the Boston police strike when he was Governor, and the Bonus veto since he became President. In persuance, no doubt, of correct political strat- egy for a candidate but little known, Davis has loudly and persistently charged the Republican ad- ministration with corruption within the Department of Justice and through the leasing of oil lands by the Interior and Navy Departments, acting jointly. It should be stated with all candor that President Coolidge inherited Secretaries Fall and Daugherty from the precedingHarding Administration, in which Democratic THE ARTICLES I.-By Oscar J. Campbell I shall vote for Davis for three main reasons: I. Because he alone can defeat Coolidge andI I believe that the best interests of our country de- mand the retirement of the present incompetent ad- ministration. II. Because Davis stands for the two reforms most vital to our national welfare. Ile will break down our high protective tariff and he will bring to an end our stupid policy of national isolation. III. Because I believe that Davis by training, experience and ability is vastly better fitted to be President than Coolidge. I. 1. The present administr,tion has been dis- graced by much downright dishonesty and corrup- tion. Bribery and theft of public funds has black- ened even members of the Cabinet. Impudent fraud has defiled the administration of' the Veterans Bu- reau. Coolidge is not personally responsible for these malefactors, but the Republican party is and must be held to account for their appointment. Coolidge himself gave no aid to Senator Walsh in his efforts to uncover the corruptiou. Not one word of disapproval, to say nothing of denunciation such as Roosevelt would have uttered, has passed his lips. le has treated a situation which demanded dyna- mite with cotton-wool. If vigorous disapproval of this corruption is not shown by the electorate, cyn- ical distrust of our political agencies will become rife. 2. The protective tariff enacted by the Repub- licans has disturbed the natural laws of the world's economic recovery and been a burden upon the great mass of the American people. It has worked par- ticular harm to the farmer by postponing post-war adjustments and by compelling him to buy in a protected market and sell in an unprotected one. It has impoverished one great part of our c:tizenship for the enrichment of another. 3. The Republican' party has disintegrated into groups of bitterly hostile elements. It has ceased to function as an efficient political instrument. Dur- ing the last session of Congress almost none of the President's policies could be enacted into law. His bitterest opponents were men of his own party like Senators Brookhart and Couzens. These men if re- elected will renew the same conflicts. A vote for Coolidge is therefore a vote to perpetuate legislative chaos. 4. The foreign policy of the Republicans has been unwise, timid and futile. They boast that our country enjoys all the advantages of the Treaty of Versailles without being forced to accept any of its obligations. This complacent selfishness bor- ders on disloyalty to our late aliens. We have stead- fastly refused to co-operate with the only possible international agencies established for the promo- tion of peace and of better rleationships between na- The three articles beginning on this page, are distinctly partisan in content, and are printed to present to the campus the standards of the three leading parties in the presidential race. The Daily, in its position of a non-partisan campus news- paper, has endeavored to show no par- tiality in the presentation of these articles, and endorses no one of them. influence upon the affairs of the world is humiliat- in g. IL. 1. In a vote for Davis lies the only hope of putting an end to these policies. LaFollette, large as his popular vote may prove, has no chance for election. If he were by any chance elected, he would be powerless to carry out a program. His party would command the merest handful of men in both houses of Congress. A sincere vote for him is a vote for legislative paralysis. 2. Furthermore, the policies of Davis are the best corrective for the ills due to the present admin- istration. LaFollette would reduce th'e inequalities of wealth produced by protection by increasing the economic activity of the government. He would have it enter into further economic partnerships with the farmer and laboring man. Such a course would extend the evil and would complicate the government beyond its power of efficient activity and more dangerous, to a point -at which the people could not understand it. Such a situation is the supreme danger of Democracy and would invite further corruption and tyranny. Davis believes that taxation is a matter of Government- and should not be involved in the fortunes of private business. Tar- iffs should be devised for the raising of revenue, not for the artificial stabilization of prices. He would reduce inequalities by abolishing privileges, not by establishing a mass of new ones. 3. In foreign affairs he stands for the end of our policy of isolation. He has more than once asserted that America should, and ultimately must, join the League of Nations. I consider this question the most important of all those before the Country. I, believe the main business of civilization is to seek means to prevent future wars. I believe that the Lea- gue and its agencies form the most practicable mach- ery yet devised for accomplishing that result. I be- lieve that the first duty of our political leaders is to educate American public opinion to a point where it will demand our entry. Coolidge will not do that; Pro gressive By Edwin G. Burrows A democratic government, to be healthy, need:a active opposition to the faction in power. Ordinar-. ily the faction in power is, ex-officio, conservative. It is satisfied with itself and with present arrange- ments. So the only hope of improvement on present arrangements is an opposition which is liberal, dis- satisfied-a sore-head faction. Lack of opposition seems to members of the pres- ent progressive movement the cause of the late un- pleasantnesses in Washington, when the barbarians sacked the capital, but were fortunately caught with the swag. Newberry, Fall, Daugherty, Forbes! Is it any wonder that people interested in a decent gov- ernment turn sore-head? And the faction in power does not take the only becoming attitude for a con- victed thief: "I'm sorry, and if you give me one more chance I'll go straight." It says br'azenly "Keep cool with Coolidge." That is, it. offers us for policy more of the same, and for President , a man-who has no conspicuous defects but is equally lacking in conspicuous merits; who is no leader, but an accident. The Democratic party, as now constituted, is in- capable of providing effective opposition. It is a mixture of incompatibles. In the south, grading off toward. the west, it is itself typically fat-head: aristocratic, anti-negro, pro-Klan. In the north and east it is to some extent a poor man's party, and is at any rate pro-Irish and anti-Klan. It his nominated for President a compromise candidate, trained as lawyer and diplomat to steer skilfully among the compromises to which the party is com- mitted. Both of the two old parties began as good sore- head factions. The Democrats were organized to oppose the arrogant aristocracy which had passed the Alien and Sedition laws. The Republicans were formed to take a stand on the issue of slavery, avoided by the two old parties of that time. But both Democratic and Republican parties have grown old, and have suffered fatty degeneration of the head. The situation has been, until last summer, that de- scribed by a foreign visitor: "There are two parties in America; the Republican-Democratic, and an un- organized minority." It was high time, as it had been in 1800 and in 1852, for this minority to coa- lesce into a real opposition. The sore-heads tried several times to organize, but until this year had not succeeded, because they were made up of scattered elements, and for a long time had no leader. They have a leader now, whose courage and honesty are not questioned, and an or- ganization which has scared the Republicans into use of all the old bogies, such as "radical" and "supported by Russian gold." As if the Russians had any gold to spare, particularly for a mran who opened his campaign by warning American radicals, then in convention in St. Paul, that he would have