41 Tuesday, July 6, 2010 The Michigan Daily - michigandaily.com i$c Imil O aomJ CHANDLER DAVIS I A modern Red Hunt Edited and managed by students at the University of Michigan since 1890. 420 Maynard St. Ann Arbor, MI 48109 tothedaily@umich.edu ANDREW LAPIN EDITOR IN CHIEF RYAN KARTJE MANAGING EDITOR ALEX SCHIFF EDITORIAL PAGE EDII DR Unsigned editorials reflect the official position of the Daily's editorial board. All other signed articles and illustrations represent solely the views of their authors. Leave no worker behind Career retraining programs are vital to recovery Just when Michigan workers were starting to stand on their own two feet, their knees are being knocked out from underneath them once again. This time, it's by the federal government, which recently cut its funding to the No Worker Left Behind program. Amid all the talk of wasteful or unnecessary spending by governments on all levels, it's both surprising and abhorrent to see the scalpel fall on a program with such a remarkable record of success. Not only should federal funding be restored, the project - and others like it - should be expanded across the country. The United States Supreme Court is once again deciding how much free- dom to permit to all Americans. Old rules do not apply, it seems, in the age of the "war on terror." Our government needs a whole new set of restrictions on speech and advocacy: See the deci- sion in Holder v. Humanitarian Law Project, handed down June 21. For some of us, this is nostalgia. When we left-wing intellectuals were being fired in the 1950s, I remem- ber a snooty characterization by a senior administrator at the University. Let us call him Dean Abbott (I prefer not to disclose his identity, but anyway I don't recall his name). He assured a meeting of the faculty that they didn't need to waste their sympathy for those who might be attacked in the Red Hunt, for "these people are not impor- taut." As a 27-year-old neophyte scientist, I didn't stand up and argue that I was so important. I did right not to. The firings, and the Congressional panels and prison sentences that accompa- nied them, were important all right - but, for the most part, not because they punished our dissent. The main impact of these actions was that they put a chill on dissent by everyone, not just activists or radicals. The censors believed that the quenching of criti- cism was far more important than the loss of our services to American aca- demia. It wasn't even the loss of our criticism that was so consequential - far more important was the loss of criticism from our colleagues who remained in academia, but muted. Later, when I refused to testify before one of the Red-hunting com- mittees of Congress, the press had the idea that I was defending my right to free speech. This was so oversimpli- fied of an assumption that they had nearly missed my entire point: For- mer Congressman Rit Francis Clardy (R-Mich.)'s committee was intimidat- ing my fellow citizens, who were more important because there were more of them. I thought the courts ought to outlaw the intimidation, so I chose to defy it. The only way the courts could have kept me out of prison, I figured, was to rule that the committees were overstepping their authority. The courts didn't rule as I had hoped - not until a decade later. When I began my prison term, I cockily put it this way to a reporter: "Six months of my life is not too much to give in the service of my country." Another reporter asked me at the last minute, "If you're willing to serve six months in prison, why did you appeal your conviction?" He really didn't get it! I explained, as the federal marshals whisked me away, "If I had won at the Supreme Court, the hearings would have been outlawed. That would have been a bigger contribution." It would have protected not my freedom of speech, which is no more important than any other individual's, but the freedom of everyone's speech and exchange of views, by which demo- cratic decision can occur - without which it can not. And here we are again. Fifty-one yearsaftercthe McCarran Internal Security Act (1950), which estab- lished the Subversive Activities Con- trol Board, we now have the so-called "Fatriot Act." Fifty-one years after the Supreme Court ruled against Lloyd Barenblatt and me in 1959, the Supreme Court rules against Ralph Fertig and upholds a ban on the knowing provision of material support or resources to a terrorist organization, even if the support is to further peaceful, nonviolent advo- cacy or humanitarian aid. We are supposed to shrug: after all, some of the thousands whose right to due process is annulled are probably guilty of something. If Ralph Fertig is prevented from helping some Kurds, even though he offers them no weap- ons but only teaching of non-violence, why worry? Some of them are suppos- edly guilty of something. But Dean Abbott, however unfair his scorn was, had it right in spite of himself. The targets of political repression may not be important. The repression is much more important than any individual target,becauseitis an attackonthelife of society itself. As my fellow defendant Pete Seeger puts it, "When will they ever learn?" Will it take the Supreme Court another ten years and another score of cases to re-learn what it finally came to see in the 1970s? Chandler Davis is a former University mathematics professor. No Worker Left Behind is a government-funded initiative to retrain Michigan workers for in-demand jobs in high-growth industries. To date, the program has trained and/or retrained 131,833 people for new careers. But on July 1, the program will be forced to restrict its enrollment due to lack of funding from the federal government. The major- ity of the program's remaining money will go toward ensuring all workers already enrolled are able to finish their training. Diversifying Michigan's econ- omy is absolutely essential to the state's recovery. Ensuring that the entire state isn't dependent on one sector, as it has been on the auto industry, is a prerequi- site to long-term economic sus- tainability. By funding training for a vast array of workers, the program made sure there was a skilled, diverse Michigan labor force ready to be hired by in-state companies in all fields. With- out NWLB, many workers will remain trained solely for jobs that simply aren't coming back. Of the 57,855 workers who have completed training, over 75 percent have retained old jobs or found new ones, according to the Department of Energy, Labor and Economic Growth. This program, by all accounts, has had a signifi- cant positive impact on Michigan workers and employers at a time when the unemployment rate sits at 13.7 percent as of April 2010, according to the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics. Several news outlets, including The New York Times, have highlighted an even more troubling problem: Compa- nies are looking for workers to hire, but they can't find enough with the skills and training they are looking for. Such findings demonstrate the clear and irre- futable need for continued fund- ing and support of NWLB. This success indicates that the federal government - which has no balanced budget require- ment - should be expanding the program, not undermining it. By funding training for struggling workers, NWLB sets up a pipeline for companies in high-growth ' industries to hire in-state work- ers, making it easier for employ- ers and employees to match up quickly. This is a program that any economy could use in both good times and bad, as it cuts down on the frictional unemploy- ment that results from the inher- ently time-consuming nature of a job search. The federal govern- ment should spearhead a national initiative to set up similar pro- grams across the country. No Worker Left Behind has been one of the rare gems in Michigan's economic policy over the past several years. But with the deterioration of state tax revenues over the course of the prolonged downturn, federal funding is increasingly needed to keep the program going. Unfor- tunately for Michigan's suffering workers, the message from Wash- ington has been, "Tough luck." Sometimes words are actions. Not many countries in the world are willing to call the Russians occupiers. Just the Georgians, and now the Americans." - Alexander Rondeli, President of the Georgian Foundation for Strategic and International Studies, as reported by The New York Times yesterday. EDITORIAL BOARD MEMBERS: Nicholas Clift, Emma Jeszke, Joe Stapleton, Rachel Van Gilder *I