ADMISSIONS ON TRIAL The Michigan Daily - Tuesday, June 24, 2003- 15 suffered an injury that falls squarely within the language and spirit of the Constitution's guarantee of equal protection." 515 U. S., at 229-230. But That observation "says noth- ing about the/ultimate validity of any par- ticular law that determination is the job of the court tpplying strict scrutiny." Id., at 230. W4n race-based action is necessary to furher a compelling governmental inter- est, uch action does not violate the consti- tu onal guarantee of equal protection so ng as the narrow-tailoring requirement is also satisfied. Context matters when reviewing race- based governmental action under the Equal Protection Clause. See Gomillion v. Light- foot, 364 U. S. 339, 343-344 (1960) (admonishing that, "in dealing with claims under broad provisions of the Constitution, which derive content by an interpretive process of inclusion and exclusion, it is imperative that generalizations, based on and qualified by the concrete situations that gave rise to them, must not be applied out of context in disregard of variant control- ling facts"). In Adarand Constructors, Inc. v. Pea, we made clear that strict scrutiny must take "'relevant differences' into account." 515 U. S., at 228. Indeed, as we explained, that is its "fundamental pur- pose." Ibid. Not every decision influenced by race is equally objectionable and strict scrutiny is designed to provide a framework } for carefully examining the importance and the sincerity of the reasons advanced by the governmental decisionmaker for the use of race in that particular context. III A With these principles in mind, we turn to the question whether the Law School's use of race is justified by a compelling state interest. Before this Court, as they have throughout this litigation, respondents assert only one justification for their use of race in the admissions process: obtaining "the educational benefits that flow from a diverse student body." Brief for Respon- dents Bollinger et al. i. In other words, the Law School asks us to recognize, in the context of higher edu- cation, a compelling state interest in stu- dent body diversity. We first wish to dispel the notion that the Law School's argument has been fore- closed, either expressly or implicitly, by our affirmative-action cases decided since Bakke. It is true that some language in those opinions might be read to suggest that remedying past discrimination is the only permissible justification for race-based governmental action. See, e.g., Richmond v. J A. Croson Co., supra, at 493 (plurality opinion) (stating that unless classifications based on race are "strictly reserved for remedial settings, they may in fact promote notions of racial inferiority and lead to a politics of racial hostility"). But we have never held that the only governmental use of race that can survive strict scrutiny is remedying past discrimination. Nor, since Bakke, have we directly addressed the use of race in the context of public higher edu- cation. Today, we hold that the Law School has a compelling interest in attaining a diverse student body. The Law School's educational judgment that such diversity is essential to its educa- tional mission is one to which we defer. The Law School's assessment that diversity will, in fact, yield educational benefits is sub- stantiated by respondents and their amici. Our scrutiny of the interest asserted by the Law School is no less strict for taking into account complex educational judgments in an area that lies primarily within the expert- ise of the university. Our holding today is in keeping with our tradition of giving a degree of deference to a university's aca- demic decisions, within constitutionally prescribed limits. See Regents of Univ. of Mich. v. Ewing, 474 U. S. 214, 225 (1985); Board of Curators of Univ. of Mo. v. Horowitz, 435 U.S. 78, 96, n. 6 (1978); Bakke, 438 U. S., at 319, n. 53 (opinion of Powell, J.). We have long recognized that, given the important purpose of public education and the expansive freedoms of speech and thought associated with the university envi- ronment, universities occupy a special niche in our constitutional tradition. See, e.g., Wieman v. Updegraff, 344 U. S. 183, 195 (1952) (Frankfurter, J., concurring); Sweezy v. New Hampshire, 354 U. S. 234, 250 (1957); Shelton v. Tucker, 364 U. S. 479, 487 (1960); Keyishian v. Board of Regents of Univ. of State of N. Y, 385 U. S., at 603. In announcing the principle of stu- dent body diversity as a compelling state interest, Justice Powell invoked our cases recognizing a constitutional dimension, grounded in the First Amendment, of edu- cational autonomy: "The freedom of a uni- versity to make its own judgments as to education includes the selection of its stu- dent body." Bakke, supra, at 312. From this premise, Justice Powell reasoned that by claiming "the right to select those students who will contribute the most to the 'robust exchange of ideas,"' a university "seek[s] to achieve a goal that is of paramount impor- tance in the fulfillment of its mission." 438 U. S., at 313 (quoting Keyishian v. Board of Regents of Univ. of State of N. Y., supra, at 603). Our conclusion that the Law School has a compelling interest in a diverse stu- dent body is informed by our view that attaining a diverse student body is at the heart of the Law School's proper institu- tional mission, and that "good faith" on the part of a university is "presumed" absent "a showing to the contrary." 438 U. S., at 318-319. --------- sake"); Richmond v. J. A. Croson Co., 488 U. S., at 507. Rather, the Law School's con- cept of critical mass is defined by reference to the educational benefits that diversity is designed to produce. These benefits are substantial. As the District Court emphasized, the Law School's admissions policy promotes "cross-racial understanding," helps to break down racial stereotypes, and "enables [stu- dents] to better understand persons of dif- ferent races." App. to Pet. for Cert. 246a. These benefits are "important and laud- able," because "classroom discussion is livelier, more spirited, and simply more enlightening and interesting" when the stu- dents have "the greatest possible variety of backgrounds." Id., at 246a, 244a. The Law School's claim of a compelling interest is further bolstered by its amici, who point to the educational benefits that flow from student body diversity. In addi- tion to the expert studies and reports entered into evidence at trial, numerous studies show that student body diversity promotes learning outcomes, and "better prepares students for an increasingly diverse workforce and society, and better prepares them as professionals." Brief for American Educational Research Associa- tion et al. as Amici Curiae 3; see, e.g., W. Bowen & D. Bok, The Shape of the River (1998); Diversity Challenged: Evidence on the Impact of Affirmative Action (G. Orfield & M. Kurlaender eds. 2001); Com- pelling Interest: Examining the Evidence on Racial Dynamics in Colleges and Universi- ties (M. Chang, D. Witt, J. Jones, & K. Hakuta eds. 2003). These benefits are not theoretical but real, as major American businesses have made clear that the skills needed in today's increasingly global marketplace can only be developed through exposure to widely diverse people, cultures, ideas, and view- points. Brief for 3M et al. as Amici Curiae 5; Brief for General Motors Corp. as Ami- cus Curiae 3-4. What is more, high-ranking retired officers and civilian leaders of the United States military assert that, "[b]ased on [their] decades of experience," a "highly qualified, racially diverse officer corps .. . is essential to the military's ability to fulfill its principle mission to provide national security." Brief for Julius W. Becton, Jr. et al. as Amici Curiae 27. The primary sources for the Nation's officer corps are the serv- ice academies and the Reserve Officers Training Corps (ROTC), the latter compris- ing students already admitted to participat- ing colleges and universities. Id., at 5. At present, "the military cannot achieve an officer corps that is both highly qualified and racially diverse unless the service acad- emies and the ROTC used limited race-con- scious recruiting and admissions policies." Ibid. (emphasis in original). To fulfill its mission, the military "must be selective in admissions for training and education for the officer corps, and it must train and edu- cate a highly qualified, racially diverse offi- cer corps in a racially diverse setting." 'Id. at 29 (emphasis in original). We agree that "[i]t requires only a small step from this analysis'to conlude that our country's other most selective institutions must remain both diverse and selective." Ibid. We have repeatedly acknowledged the overriding importance of preparing students for work and citizenship, describing educa- tion as pivotal to "sustaining our political and cultural heritage" with a fundamental role in maintaining the fabric of society. Plyler v. Doe, 457 U. S. 202, 221 (1982). This Court has long recognized that "edu- cation. . . is the very foundation of good citizenship." Brown v. Board of Education, 347 U. S. 483, 493 (1954). For this reason, the diffusion of knowledge and opportunity through public institutions of higher educa- tion must be accessible to all individuals regardless of race or ethnicity. The United States, as amicus curiae, affirms that "[e]nsuring that public institutions are open and available to all segments of American society, including people of all races and ethnicities, represents a paramount govern- ment objective." Brief for United States as Amicus Curiae 13. And, "[n]owhere is the importance of such openness more acute than in the context of higher education." Ibid. Effective participation by members of all racial and ethnic groups in the civic life of our Nation is essential if the dream of one Nation, indivisible, is to be realized. Moreover, universities, and in particular, law schools, represent the training ground for a large number of our Nation's leaders. Sweatt v. Painter, 339 U. S. 629, 634 (1950) (describing law school as a "proving ground for legal learning and practice"). Individuals with law degrees occupy rough- ly half the state governorships, more than half the seats in the United States Senate, and more than a third of the seats in the United States House of Representatives. See Brief for Association of American Law Schools as Amicus Curiae 5-6. The pattern is even more striking when it comes to highly selective law schools. A handful of these schools accounts for 25 of the 100 United States Senators, 74 United States Courts of Appeals judges, and nearly 200 of the more than 600 United States District Court judges. Id., at 6. In order to cultivate a set of leaders with legitimacy in the eyes of the citizenry, it is necessary that the path to leadership be vis- ibly open to talented and qualified individ- uals of every race and ethnicity. All members of our heterogeneous society must have confidence in the openness and integrity of the educational institutions that .:Y[1P h-c r-nnn: c a - - ra-na minority students always (or even consis- tently) express some characteristic minority viewpoint on any issue." Brief for Respon- dent Bollinger et al. 30. To the contrary, diminishing the force of such stereotypes is both a crucial part of the Law School's mission, and one that it cannot accomplish with only token numbers of minority students. Just as growing up in a particular region or having particular pro- fessional experi-ences is likely to affect an individual's views, so too is one's own, unique experience of being a racial minori- ty in a society, like our own, in which race unfortunately still matters. The Law School has determined, based on its experience and expertise, that a "critical mass" of under- represented minorities is necessary to fur- ther its compelling interest in securing the educational benefits of a diverse student body. B Even in the limited circumstance when drawing racial distinctions is permissible to further a compelling state interest, govern- ment is still "constrained in how it may pur- sue that end: [T]he means chosen to accomplish the [government's] asserted purpose must be specifically and narrowly framed to accomplish that purpose." Shaw v. Hunt, 517 U. S. 899, 908 (1996) (internal quotation marks and citation omitted). The purpose of the narrow tailoring requirement is to ensure that "the means chosen 'fit' .. . th[e] compelling goal so closely that there is little or no possibility that the motive for the classification was illegitimate racial prejudice or stereotype." Richmond v. J. A. Croson Co., 488 U. S., at 493 (plurality opinion). Since Bakke, we have had no occasion to define the contours of the narrow-tailoring inquiry with respect to race-conscious uni- versity admissions programs. That inquiry must be calibrated to fit the distinct issues raised by the use of race to achieve student body diversity in public higher education. Contrary to JUSTICE KENNEDY's asser- tions, we do not "abandon[ ] strict scruti- ny," see post, at 8 (dissenting opinion). Rather, as we have already explained, ante, at 15, we adhere to Adarand's teaching that the very purpose of strict scrutiny is to take such "relevant differences into account." 515 U. S., at 228 (internal quotation marks omitted). To be narrowly tailored, a race-conscious admissions program cannot use a quota sys- tem-it cannot "insulat[e] each category of applicants with certain desired qualifica- tions from competition with all other appli- cants." Bakke, supra, at 315 (opinion of Powell, J.). Instead, a university may con- sider race or ethnicity only as a "'plus' in a particular applicant's file," without "insu- lat[ing] the individual from comparison with all other candidates for the available seats." Id., at 317. In other words, an admissions program must be "flexible enough to consider all pertinent elements of diversity in light of the particular qualifica- tions of each applicarit; and to plae6 them on the same footing for consideration, although not necessarily according them the same weight."' id We find that the Law School's admissions program bears the hallmarks of a narrowly tailored plan. As Justice Powell made clear in Bakke, truly individualized consideration demands that race be used in a flexible, nonmechanical way. It follows from this mandate that universities cannot establish quotas for members of certain racial groups or put members of those groups on separate admissions tracks. See id., at 315-316. Nor can universities insulate applicants who belong to certain racial or ethnic groups from the competition for admission. Ibid. Universities can, however, consider race or ethnicity more flexibly as a "plus" factor in the context of individualized consideration of each and every applicant. Ibid. We are satisfied that the Law School's admissions program, like the Harvard plan described by Justice Powell, does not oper- ate as a quota. Properly understood, a "quota" is a program in which a certain fixed number or proportion of opportunities are "reserved exclusively for certain minor- ity groups." Richmond v. J A. Croson Co., supra, at 496 (plurality opinion). Quotas "'impose a fixed number or percentage which must be attained, or which cannot be exceeded,"' Sheet Metal Workers v. EEOC, 478 U. S. 421, 495 (1986) (O'CONNOR, J., concurring in part and dissenting in part), and "insulate the individual from compari- son with all other candidates for the avail- able seats." Bakke, supra, at 317 (opinion of Powell, J.). In contrast, "a permissible goal ... require[s] only a good-faith effort ... to come within a range demarcated by the goal itself," Sheet Metal Workers v. EEOC, supra, at 495, and permits consideration of race as a "plus" factor in any given case while still ensuring that each candidate "compete[s] with all other qualified appli- cants," Johnson v. Transportation Agency, Santa Clara Cty., 480 U. S. 616, 638 (1987). Justice Powell's distinction between the medical school's rigid 16-seat quota and Harvard's flexible use of race as a "plus" factor is instructive. Harvard certainly had. minimum goals for minority enrollment, even if it had no specific number firmly in mind. See Bakke, supra, at 323 (opinion of Powell, J.) ("10 or 20 black students could not begin to bring to their classmates and to each other the variety of points of view, backgrounds and experiences of blacks in the United States"). What is more, Justice Pow-ell flatly rejected the argument that T-Nar ad arr m nvm "the fun, rtional those students admitted." Id., at 323. "[S]ome attention to numbers," without more, does not transform a flexible admis- sions system into a rigid quota. Ibid. Nor, as JUSTICE KENNEDY posits, does the Law School's consultation of the "daily reports," which keep track of the racial and ethnic composition of the class (as well as of residency and gender), "suggest[ ] there was no further attempt at individual review save for race itself" during the final stages of the admissions process. See post, at 6 (dissenting opinion). To the contrary, the Law School's admissions officers testified without contradiction that they never gave race any more or less weight based on the information contained in these reports. Brief for Respondents Bollinger et al. 43, n. 70 (citing App. in Nos. 01-1447 and 01-1516 (CA6), p. 7336). Moreover, as JUSTICE KENNEDY concedes, see post, at 4, between 1993 and 2000, the number of African-American, Latino, and Native- American students in each class at the Law School varied from 13.5 to 20.1 percent, a range inconsistent with a quota. THE CHIEF JUSTICE believes that the Law School's policy conceals an attempt to achieve racial balancing, and cites admis- sions data to contend that the Law School discriminates among different groups with- in the critical mass. Post, at 3-9 (dissenting opinion). But, as THE CHIEF JUSTICE concedes, the number of underrepresented minority students who ultimately enroll in the Law School differs substantially from their representation in the applicant pool and varies considerably for each group from year to year. See post, at 8 (dissenting opinion). That a race-conscious admissions pro- gram does not operate as a quota does not, by itself, satisfy the requirement of individ- ualized consideration. When using race as a "plus" factor in university admissions, a university's admissions program must remain flexible enough to ensure that each applicant is evaluated as an individual and not in a way that makes an applicant's race or ethnicity the defining feature of his or her application. The importance of this individualized consideration in the context of a race-conscious admissions program is paramount. See Bakke, supra, at 318, n. 52 (opinion of Powell, J.) (identifying the "denial . . of th[e] right to individualized consideration" as the "principal evil" of the medical school's admissions program). Here, the Law School engages in a highly individualized, holistic review of each applicant's file, giving serious considera- tion to all the ways an applicant might con- tribute to a diverse educational environment. The Law School affords this individualized consideration to applicants of all races. There is no policy, either de jure or de facto, of automatic acceptance or rejection based on any single "soft" vari- able. Unlike the program at issue in Gratz v. Bollinger, ante, the Law School awards no mechanical, predetermined diversity "bonuses" based on race or ethnicity. See ante, at 23 (distinguishing a race-conscious admissions program that automatically awards 20 points based on race from the Harvard plan, which considered race but "did not contemplate that any single char- acteristic automatically ensured a specific and identifiable contribution to a universi- ty's diversity"). Like the Harvard plan, the Law School's admissions policy "is flexible enough to consider all pertinent elements of diversity in light of the particular qualifica- tions of each applicant, and to place them on the same footing for consideration, although not necessarily according them the same weight." Bakke, supra, at 317 (opin- ion of Powell, J.). We also find that, like the Harvard plan Justice Powell referenced in Bakke, the Law School's race-conscious admissions pro- gram adequately ensures that all factors that may contribute to student body diversi- ty are mean-ingfully considered alongside race in admissions decisions. With respect to the use of race itself, all underrepresent- ed minority students admitted by the Law School have been deemed qualified. By virtue of our Nation's struggle with racial inequality, such students are both likely to have experiences of particular importance to the Law School's mission, and less likely to be admitted in meaningful numbers on criteria that ignore those experiences. See App. 120. The Law School does not, however, limit in any way the broad range of qualities and experiences that may be considered valu- able contributions to student body diversity. To the contrary, the 1992 policy makes clear "[t]here are many possible bases for diversity admissions," and provides exam- ples of admittees who have lived or traveled widely abroad, are fluent in several lan- guages, have over-come personal adversity and family hardship, have exceptional records of extensive community service, and have had successful careers in other fields. Id., at 118-119. The Law School seriously considers each "applicant's prom- ise of making a notable contribution to the class by way of a particular strength, attain- ment, or characteristic-e.g., an unusual intellectual achievement, employment expe- rience, nonacademic performance, or per- sonal background." Id., at 83-84. All applicants have the opportunity to highlight their own potential diversity contributions through the submission of a personal state- ment, letters of recommendation, and an essay describing the ways in which the applicant will contribute to the life and diversity of the Law School. What is more the Law Schoni actnallv ry, a wide variety of characteristics besides race and ethnicity that contribute to a diverse student body. JUSTICE KENNEDY speculates that "race is likely outcome determinative for many members of minori- ty groups" who do not fall within the upper range of LSAT scores and grades. Post, at 3 (dissenting opinion). But the same could be said of the Harvard plan discussed approv- ingly by Justice Powell in Bakke, and indeed of any plan that uses race as one of many factors. See 438 U. S., at 316 ("'When the Committee on Admissions reviews the large middle group of appli- cants who are "admissible" and deemed capable of doing good work in their cours- es, the race of an applicant may tip the bal- ance in his favor"'). Petitioner and the United States argue that the Law School's plan is not narrowly tailored because race-neutral means exist to obtain the educational benefits of student body diversity that the Law School seeks. We disagree. Narrow tailoring does not require exhaustion of every conceivable race-neutral alternative. Nor does it require a university to choose between maintaining a reputation for excellence or fulfilling a commitment to provide educational oppor- tunities to members of all racial groups. See Wygant v. Jackson Bd. of Ed., 476 U. S. 267, 280, n. 6 (1986) (alternatives must serve the interest "'about as well"'); Rich- mond v. J. A. Croson Co., 488 U. S., at 509- 510 (plurality opinion) (city had a "whole array of race-neutral" alternatives because changing requirements "would have [had] little detrimental effect on the city's interests"). Narrow tailoring does, however, require serious, good faith consid- eration of workable race-neutral alterna- tives that will achieve the diversity the university seeks. See id., at 507 (set-aside plan not narrowly tailored where "there does not appear to have been any considera- tion of the use of race-neutral means"); Wygant v. Jackson Bd. of Ed., supra, at 280, n. 6 (narrow tailoring "require[s] con sideration" of "lawful alternative and less restrictive means"). We agree with the Court of Appeals that the Law School sufficiently considered workable race-neutral alternatives. The Dis- trict Court took the Law School to task for failing to consider race-neutral alternatives such as "using a lottery system" or "decreasing the emphasis for all applicants, on undergraduate GPA and LSAT scores." App. to Pet. for Cert. 251a. But these alter- natives would require a dramatic sacrifice of diversity, the academic quality of all admitted students, or both. The Law School's current admissions program considers race as one factor among many, in an effort to assemble a student body that is diverse in ways broader than race. Because a lottery would make that kind of nuanced judg-ment impossible, it would effectively sacrifice all other educa- tional values, not to mention every other kind of diversity. So too with the sugges- tion that the Law School simply lower admissions standards for all students, a drastic remedy that would require the Law School to become a much different institu- tion and sacrifice a vital component of its educational mission. The United States advocates "percentage plans," recently adopted by public undergraduate institu- tions in Texas, Florida, and Califor-nia to guarantee admission to all students above a certain class-rank threshold in every high school in the State. Brief for United States as Amicus Curiae 14-18. The United States does not, however, explain how such plans could work for graduate and professional schools. Moreover, even assuming such plans are race-neutral, they may preclude the university from conducting the individ- ualized assessments necessary to assemble a student body that is not just racially diverse, but diverse along all the qualities valued by the university. We are satisfied that the Law School adequately considered race-neutral alternatives currently capable of producing a critical mass without forcing the Law School to abandon the academic selectiv-ity that is the cornerstone of its educational mission. We acknowledge that "there are serious problems of justice connected with the idea of preference itself." Bakke, 438 U. S., at 298 (opinion of Powell, J.). Narrow tailor- ing, therefore, requires that a race-con- scious admissions program not unduly harm members of any racial group. Even remedi- al race-based governmental action generally "remains subject to continuing oversight to assure that it will work the least harm pos- sible to other innocent persons competing for the benefit." Id., at 308. To be narrowly tailored, a race-conscious admissions pro- gram must not "unduly burden individuals who are not members of the favored racial and ethnic groups." Metro Broadcasting, Inc. v. FCC, 497 U. S. 547, 630 (1990) (O'CONNOR, J., dissenting). We are satisfied that the Law School's admissions program does not. Because the Law School considers "all pertinent ele- ments of diversity," it can (and does) select nonminority applicants who have greater potential to enhance student body diversity over underrepresented minority applicants. See Bakke, supra, at 317 (opinion of Pow- ell, J.). As Justice Powell recognized in Bakke, so long as a race-conscious admis- sions program uses race as a "plus" factor in the context of individualized considera- tion, a rejected applicant "will not have been foreclosed from all consideration for that seat simply because he was not the right color or had the wrong surname..... His qualifications would have