W OPINION Page 6 C01ht fithtgan Datlg Vol. XCIV, No. 24-S 94 Years of Editorial Freedom Managed and Edited by Students at The University of Michigan Editorials represent a majority opinion of the Daily Editorial Board Legaizeprostitution LAST WEEK, a small convention of prostitutes in San Francisco called for the legalization of the world's oldest profession. Not unexpectedly, their suggestion - and their convention - were regarded as lit-- tle more than fodder for the sex columns of the nation's tabloids. And you thought the Victorian Age was dead - it's alive and thriving in nearly every state.. It has successfully perpetuated the absurd notion that the entire American social struc- ture would crumble to the ground if citizens could purchase sex from one another. Nonsense. We live in a country where citizens are automatically assumed to be competent to elect their own leaders, choose their own occupations, select their mates, and accumulate vast amounts of capital - all without the assistance of the state. Why shouldn't they be allowed to exercise their freedom to purchase or sell sexual services? There is no legitimate state interest in keeping prostitution illegal. Opponents of legalization argue, variously, that prostitution spreads disease, pollutes neighborhoods, and frequently forces unwilling underage persons into the trade. Each of those deleterious effec- ts, however, is a direct result of prostitution's underground status and could be controlled much more easily if prostitution were legal. Incidence of disease could easily be regulated by the market and by government. Sex- oriented businesses can be zoned into special areas, and open, regulated prostitution is much less likely to be infested with unwilling' participants than underground prostitution. But the basic argument against prostitution - the argument which paralyzes any state legislature which tries to legalize it - remains the question of "morality." Thankfully, in the 50 years which have passed since the failure of Prohibition, such attempts by government to impose a moral code on individuals have been beaten back. The time has come to do the same thing with the prostitution statutes. Unsigned editorials ap- pearing on the left side of this page represent d majority opinion of the Daily's Editorial Board. Sunday, July 15, 1984 The Michigan Daily As Gulf War continues, the fight is for good press 0 By William Beeman Reports from the Persian Gulf constantly feature actual disasters, or warn of disasters just about to happen. The recent Iraqi attack on the Swiss oil-tanker, Tiburon, was described as "the single biggest shipping disaster in the Gulf sin- ce the war started between Iran and Iraq," by one shipping spokesman. A few days later, headlines told of an Iraqi claim that it had struck five more un- specified "naval targets." The next day a Korean wasattacked, and the next day a Cypriot tanker. ON THE OTHER side, we read repeatedly that Iran has some 400,000 troops poised on the raqi border ready to launch a "final attack" designed to deal a fatal blow to the regime of Iraq's Sad- dam Hussein. These and similar stories, often rendered in breathless prose, make it seem that the Gulf War is escalating. In fact, just the op- posite is true-the Iran-Iraq con- flict is not a very extensive one by recent standards. The Tiburon attack, while in- deed tragic, resulted in eight deaths and three injuries and the loss of a ship-not a massive disaster by current international standards. Tankers destroyed by Iraq still represent only a small fraction of those plying Gulf waters daily,tand the Iranian of- fensive remains only a threat. MOREOVER, Iran and Iraq are not now moving to up the an- te. Rather, both are engaged in a careful balancingact, aimed at preserving the benefits both receive from having the war con- tinue at its present level. From the beginning, the prin- cipal interest in the war has been not the day-today events, but the image of the final outcome. Both sides have been playing the "What if THEY won?" scenario to excellent advantage. So the strong, daily media coverage-in which every missile launched and every troop movement is noted with alarm-serves both sides well, for both Iran and Iraq have pur- poses other than military victory. To complicate matters, Iraq is playing for the bsnefit of an ex- ternal audience of Arab and Western states, and Iran for the benefit of an internal audience. IRAQ IS utterly dependent for its survival on continued finan- cial support from other Arab states. Thus the Iraqis must por- tray the was as a containment of "disease-the disease being the spred of a fanatic, fundamen- talist Islam led by Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeine's wild-eyed followers. To achieve this goal, Iraq has stated it must now bomb every ship in sight of Iranian oil- docking facilities-no matter whose, since they "can't tell" who they are bombing from the air. Other nations in the region, they explain apologetically, must bear up under the hardship. What is more, those other nations must pay for the war it- self or risk being overrun with Islamic revolutionaries. THE GULF nations may not entirely believe this scenario, but they have been frightened enough by the possibility to cough up some $37 billion. Iraq is doing very well with this money, by all accounts-consumer goods abound in the cities, and the ex- ternal cash is floating the economy very well. U.S. business also benefits-the Bechtel Corp. is constructing a new pipeline to Aqaba in Jordan, bypassing the Gulf altogether. The government of Iran, in turn, is utterly dependent on the war to preserve internal popular support. It must therefore por- tray the war to its own citizens as a struggle of good against evil, with a strong message of revenge for Iraq's original attack. Ayatollah Khomeine in a recent speech ruled out all talk of peace as support of the enemy. THOUGH MANY in Iran have doubts about the war, support for the overall effort is virtually universal. The war also has allowed the Iranian government to establish industrial, economic, and trade policies which might have met in- ternal opposition in non-war times. For example, Iran is reportedly on the verge of being able to repair all of its tanks and other large armaments from domestic metal fabrication plan- ts. It already can manufacture all its own small arms. Once it is understood that Iran and Iraq measure their war ef- forts in terms of preserving essential support, it becomes easier to see the logic of their future actions. Iraq needs, above all, to keep the conflict alive in the public eye. Realistically, shutting down the huge Kharg Island oil ter- minal with air strikes is a virtual impossibility. Nevertheless, the Iraqis continue random sniping. IF THE IRAQIS strike too of- ten, insurance rates will go so high they will alienate the inter- national community, particularly other Arab oil shippers. But limited strikes have definite benefits - they gain the Saudis and Kuwaitis new levels of arms sup- port from abroad and keep the cash flowing to Baghdad. Iran has a different set of problems. With so many troops massed on the border with Iraq, it must decide if and when to strike. There is presently hot in- ternal debate among military and political leaders about whether such a strike is feasible. If the offensive is launched, it must be a noticeable success. If many soldiers are killed and no a- ppreciable gains are made, the effort will backfire by decreasing public ethusiasm for the war-and, by extension, for Iran's political leaders, already troubled by low voter turnout in parliamentary elections this spring. Iran thus must keep the war hot enough to fan the flames of national pride, but not make it so hot the public will begin to grum- ble. This may be why Iranian of- ficials went to the unusual length (for them) of entering a United Nations-sponsored agreement to limit shelling of civilian targets. It is not clear how long this kind of conflict can continue before the costs and bodies pile up so high that the strategies begin to backfire. But it does seem clear at this point that no onenwants to bring the war to an end badly enough to take any decisive measures. 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