Opinion
Saturday, July 25, 1981
The Michigan Daily
The Michigan Daily
Vol. XCI, No. 48-s
Ninety Years of Editorial Freedom
Edited and managed by students
at the University of Michigan
Arms control
Six months
and running
WE HAVE ENDURED six months of
Ronald Reagan's administration, and a
general review of its pros and cons finds a
disproportionate abundance of the latter.
Rarely in American history has there been
such a dramatic political shift in direction.
Rarely have the actions-and intentions-of
the federal government aroused such fun-
damental reassessment of our institutions,
private and public. Rarely have so many
citizens been directly or indirectly affected by
a change of leadership.
With international concerns being sub-
jugated and trivialized, our leaders have con-
centrated almost exclusively on domestic
economics. Proposed budget cuts have per-
petuated a bitterly divided Congress, embit-
tered a legion of prospective social service
recipients, and jeopardized entire in-
dustries-among them mass transit, the arts,
and public broadcasting. Our deteriorating
cities can expect little or no support.
Concurrently, tax cut proposals offer little
relief to the members of society most needing
relief, while tempting the wealthiest
Americans with wholesale slashes in their
financial commitment to the government.
Better times are coming, we are told, a little
sacrifice now will pay off later. The en-
ds-stability and prosperity-will justify the
means-social turmoil. We hope so, the price
has been incalculably high.
What foreign policy has emerged has been
disconnected, vague, and rhetorical. Its ob-
sessive East-West infatuation has worried our
allies along with our adversaries, and has vir-
tually dismissed critical North-South concer-
ns. Our growing alliances with El Salvador,
Chile, and South Africa have dismayed our
friends, as has our grievous indifference
toward arms control. Within the foreign policy
establishment, internal disputes have been
alarming and embarrassing.
On the positive side, we have seen the
nomination of Sandra O'Connor for the
Supreme Court-a wise and timely move, and
an important rebuff of a belligerent Israel.
Little else.
Supporters of the Reagan administration
point to a revived national spirit, to enhanced
pride. This may be rather deceiving,
though-the national anxiety accompanying
such social disruption is harder to detect than
patriotic proclamations-and this anxiety ap-
pears far more profound than these optimists
will admit.
for the '80s:
An outline of
1 1h
By Alexander Haig, Jr.
t
What follows are excerpts more than doubled their SS-20
from a July 14 address by force. Already 750 warheads have
Secretary of State Alexander been deployed on SS-20 laun-
Haig, before the Foreign chers. The Soviet Union has con-
tinued to deploy the long-range
Policy Association. Backfire bomber and a whole
What are the prospects for ar- array of new medium- and short-
ms control in the 1980s? We could range nuclear and nuclear-
achieve quick agreements if we capable aircraft. This com-
pursued negotiation for its own prehensve Soviet arms buildup is
sake or for the politicalssym- in no sense a reaction to NATO's
bolism of continuing the process. defense program. Indeed, NATO
But we are committed to serious did very little as this alarming
arms control that truly buildup progressed.
strengthens international InDecember 1979 the alliance
security. That is why our ap- finally responded in two ways.
proach must be prudent, paced First, it agreed to deploy 464 new
and measured. U.S. ground-launched cruise
... By the end of the year, the missiles in Europe and to replace
United States will be embarked 108 medium-range Pershing
upon a new arms control en- ballistic missiles already located
deavor of fundamental impor- there with modernized versions
tance, one designed to reduce the of greater range. Second, the
Soviet nuclear threat to our alliance agreed that the United
European allies. The impetus for States should pursue negotiated
these negotiations dates back to limits on U.S. and Soviet systems
the mid-1970s when the Soviets in this category.
began producing and deploying a This two-track decision
whole new generation of nuclear represents explicit recognition
systems designed not to threaten that arms control cannot succeed
the United States-for their unless it is matched by a clear
range was too short-but to determination to take the defense
threaten our European allies. measures necessary to restore a
These new weapons, and in par- seuebln.
ticular the nearly3,000-mile . . . When I meet with Soviet
range SS-20 missile, were not just Foreign Minister Gromyko at the
modernized replacements for United Natons this September, I
older systems. Because of their will seek agreement to start the
much greater range, their U.S.-Soviet negotiations on these
mobility, and above all their weapons systems by the end of
multiplication of warheads on the year. We would like to see the
each missile, these new systems U.S. and Soviet negotiators meet
presented the alliance with a to begin formal talks between
threat of a new order of mid-November and mid-
magnitude. December of this year. We intend
The pace of the Soviet buildup to appoint a senior U.S. official
is increasing. Since the beginning with the rank of Ambassador as
of last year, the Soviets have our representative at these talks.
In the course of 50 years of
SALT negotiations,conceptual
questions have arisen which must
be addressed. For instance, how
have improvements in
monitoring capabilities, on the
one hand, and new possibilities
for deception and concealment,
on the other, affected our ability
to verify agreements and to im-
prove verification?
Q. ur efforts to control
existing nuclear arsenals will be
accompanied by new attempts to
prevent the spread of nuclear
weapons. The Reagan Ad-
ministration is developing more
vigorous policies for inhibiting
nuclear proliferation.
... It may be argued that the
"genie is out of the bottle," that
technology is already out of con-
trol. But technology can also be
tapped for the answers. Our
policies can diminish the in-
securities that motivate
proliferation. Responsible export
practices can also reduce
dangers. And internationalnor-
ms can increase the cost of
nuclear violations. With effort we
can help to assure that nuclear
plowshares are not transformed
into nuclear swords.
... It is one of the paradoxes
of our time that the prospects for
arms control depend upon the
achievement of a balance of ar-
ms. We seek to negotiate a balan-
ce at less dangerous levels but
meanwhile we must maintain our
strength. Let us take to heart
John F. Kennedy's reminder that
negotiations "are not a substitute
for strength-they are an in-
strumentation for the translation
of strength into survival and
peace" o
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