The discourse of dissent: Academic freedom at the U' n Honigman Auditorium this afternoon, Law Prof. Catharine MacKinnon will deliver the 12th annual Davis, Markert, Nickerson Lecture On Academic and Intellectual Freedom. In honor of Clement Markert, Mark Nickerson and Chandler Davis, three University professors who were_ suspended for their refusal to testify at L a hearing of the -9 U.S. House Committee on 1, Un-American Activities. Both L __ Speaking of admissions Davis and Nickerson U were eventually terminated- due to their actions. JESSICA YURASEK/Daily Today, questions of academic freedom and associated controversy are still a part of the intellectual life of the University. Academic freedom: A historical perspective BY JASON PESICK All educational institutions strive to provide the best educational experience for both students and faculty. Well, at least that's the impression created by administrators, spokesmen, the court system and idealists. As a freshman, I have memories of myopic high school administrators and teachers, with the expressed goal of educating the young to become active citizens, trampling on the basic principles of such an educa- tional experience. In a sense, they want- ed us all to be great citizens without allowing us to experience citizenship. University spokesmen constantly tell students and parents that the Univer- sity has the ideal environment to foster a rich educational experience. And to some extent that is true. There is a free- flowing exchange of ideas on campus and students have a number of rights that simply do not exist in many other educational settings. Judging by how smoothly the Uni- versity sailed through the recent Divest- ment Conference, the expression policy does not seem to impinge on freedom of expression. Assistant General Coun- sel Donica Thomas Varner said that the goal of the University's expression poli- cies is to set forth guidelines to allow for the productive exchange of ideas for protestors and for speakers. Varner went on to say that the University does not seek to create a "politically correct" environment or establish acceptable speech guidelines. These are all the things that an idealistic college student wants to hear. But, Varner went on to say that freedom of speech is a right that has to be used responsibly. What does that mean? Well, it's not entirely clear. The University has a sex- ual harassment policy that is vague. The definition includes "conduct which results in negative effects even though such negative effects were unintended." It goes on to say that an incident will be deemed sexual harassment "if a reason- able person ... would consider it suffi- ciently severe or pervasive to interfere unreasonably with academic perform- ance or participation..." This policy is especially frightening in light of some incidents in the Univer- sity's past. For example, in 1988, the Office of Affirmative Action issued a speech code that specified prohibited conduct. Prohibited conduct included saying, "Women just aren't as good in this field as men." There was actually a section titled "You Are a Harasser When..." Jokes about gays and les- bians were prohibited as well as display- ing the Confederate Flag on a residence hall door. Based upon what I know about American government, Americans enjoy various rights such as the Free- dom of Speech, the Freedom to Bear Arms and so on. I have not yet heard about the right to never be offended. Thankfully this code was ruled uncon- stitutional in federal court. The University received national attention in 1992 when portions of an exhibit on prostitution were taken down because they were perceived as offen- sive. Supposedly Law Prof. Catherine MacKinnon, who has been named "cen- sor of the year" in the past by the ACLU, was behind the altering of the exhibit. MacKinnon said the incident was "a witch hunt by First Amendment fundamentalists who are persecuting and blacklisting dissident ... as art cen- sors." While the ACLU may have used the event to target MacKinnon, her desire to create a politically correct environment in which no one is ever offended is irresponsible from an educa- tional standpoint. And then of course there was "Eng- lish 317: How to be Gay." Prof. David Halperin offered this course it explore gay culture and the impact it has had on literature. Regents candidates, many of whom were running for re-election that year, were livid, and members of the state legislature tried to take away Uni- versity funds. These politicians were in a sense trying to gain control over what is taught here, impinging on academic freedom and educational exploration so that they could win an election. Supporting the right of people to express themselves does not mean sup- porting what they say. Academic free- dom is the freedom to explore ideas. It allows individuals and organizations to say what they think and challenging them when they're wrong. Pesick is an LSA freshman and a member of the Daily's editorial board. BY J. DAVID VELLEMAN In the late 1980s, the University Board of Regents adopted procedures for punishing offensive speech at the University of Michigan. Those proce- dures were struck down in federal court as unconstitutional: The court's opinion made clear that they had been used to silence unpopular opinions. Forbidden to punish unwelcome speech formally, the University contin- ued to discourage it informally. The clearest example has been in the case of the University's undergraduate admissions procedures - a topic that the campus sorely needs to discuss. We need to discuss our undergrad- uate admissions procedures because they are going to change, whether or not they survive the lawsuit now underway against them. The current procedures were adopted shortly after the suit was filed, to replace proce- dures that were likely to be over- turned; and they were then frozen in place by the fear that further revisions would signal a lack of resolve in defending affirmative action. The con- tinued use of these procedures without adjustment has produced a pent-up demand for change. How the suit is decided will determine what kind of change is made, but change will be made one way or another. Revision of the University's admis- sions procedures ought to be informed by a frank discussion among teachers and students about their experience with the current system. Unfortunately, that discussion cannot take place, because senior officers of the Universi- ty have so often spoken and acted in ways designed to stifle it. In general, the administration has stifled discussion of admissions by misrepresenting the current law- suit as a challenge to diversity. As has been shown in other states, there are ways of achieving diversity with- out explicitly taking race into con- sideration in admissions. Those alternative methods are open to many objections, of course, but a debate about how to achieve diversi- ty is not a debate about whether to do so. What's more, the point system used in undergraduate admissions is only one way, and an especially crude way, of taking race into account. One can therefore oppose the University's current admissions procedures while supporting affir- mative action - and, a fortiori, sup- porting the goal of diversity. In misrepresenting its critics as opponents of diversity, the administra- tion has clearly tried to impugn their integrity. In his first address to the Senate Assembly, President Lee Bollinger described the affirmative action lawsuits as "posing a test of character for all of us." If the lawsuits are a test of character for all of us, then those who support the plaintiffs must have failed a test of character: they must be bad people. How can we hope to hold a discussion if some par- ticipants have already been stigma- tized in this way? The administration then took up the cry of "resegregation." Provost Nancy Cantor was quoted as saying, "What we are really talking about ... is a sys- tematic effort to resegregate our most selective institutions." The same term appeared in statements by President Bollinger and Associate Provost Lester Monts. The term was a smear on the character of anyone who might oppose the administration on this issue. On March 6, 2000, the University Record ran a story under the headline "Affirmative Action: major source of white opposition is racial prejudice." As it turned out, the research in ques- tion depended on a tendentious defi- nition of "racial prejudice:" in effect, the researchers redefined the term in such a way as to guarantee their con- clusion. Of course, these researchers are entitled to argue for their views, as are the hundreds of other faculty who publish equally tendentious claims every day of the week. The question is why the University gave this particu- lar claim such prominent publicity, presenting it as if it were an objective scientific discovery. (The March 6 article is still linked to the Universi- ty's web page of "Information on Admissions Lawsuits.") The pre- dictable effect was to demonize the administration's critics as racists. These and other statements by the administration have had the result that people who question the University's admissions policies have been unable to speak in public without fear of being branded racists and segregationists by the University's highest officials. Although there have been public forums on affirmative action, they have invariably relied on outsiders to represent the opposition - not because there is no opposition within our own community, but because it has been silenced. Many of these forums are face-offs between extremists rather than the moderate discussions of the sort that the campus needs. Finally, the administration has failed on several occasions to defend intellectual freedom against serious attack by protests identified with issues of race. I will mention the two worst incidents. In February 2000, demonstrators protesting alleged racism at the organi- zation known as Michigamua prevent- ed President Bollinger from delivering a scheduled public address on the First Amendment. The President later said that, if the speaker had been anyone but himself, he would have had the demonstrators removed. Here mis- placed modesty led President Bollinger to establish a disastrous precedent: Demonstrators had forcibly silenced a duly scheduled speaker with impunity. The University has a written policy mandating the removal of protesters who threaten to prevent a speaker from addressing his or her audience. To my knowledge, no University official has bothered to say whether this policy will be enforced in the future. In March 2000, graduate students who objected to the University's han- dling of the sit-in at Michigamua with- drew 3,000 volumes from the Shapiro Undergraduate Library - the entire contents of the library's first floor - for the stated purpose of making them unavailable to readers. The volumes were carted off in a rented truck. According to The Michigan Daily, a "University spokesman ... said the administration does not plan to release an official response to the protest." This statement was heartbreaking to proponents of intellectual freedom: An administration that had loudly dedicat- ed itself to defending the "core values" of the University apparently did not regard access to books as a core value. These incidents exacerbated the effects of the administration's divi- sive rhetoric on affirmative action. They left the impression that physi- cal attacks on the freedom to speak or to read would be tolerated so long as the attackers wrapped themselves in the flag of diversity. If we are to have the conversation that we need to have about undergradu- ate admissions, the new administration must signal a decisive break with the past. Our new President and Provost should clearly indicate that differences of opinion on admissions will no longer be attributed to differences of character, that imputations of segrega- tionism and racism will no longer be used to silence unpopular opinions, and that the University genuinely wel- comes contributions to the discussion from all faculty and students. Velleman is the James B. and Grace.J Nelson Professor of Philosophy. ........... As an engineer in the U. S. Air Force, no telling what there's you'll work on. (Seriously, we can't tell you.) United States Air Force applied technology is years ahead of what you'll touch in the private sector, and as a new engineer you'll likely be involved at the ground level of new and sometimes classified developments. 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