0 0 0 No guns, no cops, no code... No war? The recent explosion of student protest against the administration around the issue of deputization had a direct impact on another campus event: the teach-in on the Persian Gulf. The drive toward war in the Middle East, with all of its moral contradictions and policy ambiguities, and the subsequent teach-in to address it, in turn contribute to the activist atmosphere which has thus far centered around deputization. While a debate rages over the question of whether or not the deputization movement should be addressing a wider variety of related social issues - repression of students in other countries, police brutality generally, the war and University military research contributions to it, etc. - the decision to "make connections" has already been made by students themselves. "The connections are clearly there and need to be made," says Corey Dolgon, chair of the Students' Rights Commission, and deputization is "a good way to start making those connections." "For once we have an issue that we have incredibly broad-based support for," he says. "Campus democracy - the students should be part of this debate." Students are affected by the outcome of the conflict whether they oppose deputization as a further infringement on free speech by the University, or as one more reason for tuition increases. The involvement of students in the University decision- making process is relevant to students of all political persuasions. U.. The University is still unlikely to back down on its decision to further arm and deputize its police force. But there is a good chance that local elected officials, especially the city I and the sheriff, will be able to use the student movement to further 1 limit University plans which they have objected to all along. And the administration is making noise about spending more time with students, even possibly creating a police review board with student representation. These are in themselves victories for the students who organized and participated in the No Code movement. But we are still a long way from a democratic campus. Enter the war. I don't believe that thousands of students have stood up to voice their opposition to the University because they oppose deputization and feel that reversing the decision to deputize campus safety will complete the construction of a perfect society. That issue was the catalyst, but the conditions for a return of student activism have their origins in conflicts ranging from the neglect of AIDS treatment by the University and government to the greenhouse effect to the threat of hundreds of thousands of deaths in the Persian Gulf area. English Professor Bert Hornback, an organizer of the teach-in last week, was surprised by the turnout at the event. "I think we all were," he said. "I was hoping we'd get 500. We ended up getting between 1,500 and 2,000." So, despite the University's (and sometimes our " " own) best attempts to Cohen squelch critical thinking, the wondrous ability of the student mind to make connections has once again emerged. U.. Students learn lessons from our own movements more directly than from the annals of history, which are chock full of them. So anti-war protests and civil rights activism in the 60s brought students into the political arena, but it was only at the end of the 60s - as the Vietnam War raged on and the great liberal leaders fell or were felled - that many students broadened their horizons. In 1970, one million enrolled students reported that they considered themselves revolutionaries. One member of the national student activist group Students for a Democratic Society (sDS) quoted in 1968, by Ronald Fraser, said the group "went from being students with a moral vision to realizing we were up against the heaviest power structure in the world. We were seeing blacks that we associated with killed by the government. It was life or death serious." And after Robert Kennedy's assassination in 1968, former SDS President Carl Oglesby asked, "What do you do?... do it all over again while the people are dying in Vietnam and how many other countries? That's why people started talking about revolution, because reform had been made to seem like a dead-end street. How many times do you climb that tree just to have it chopped down beneath you?" All this is by no means to suggest that revolution is prevalent in the minds of most members of the campus democracy movement - or even that it necessarily will be as the movement progresses. But there is a war of major historical significance waiting to break out (Panama was unleashed over Christmas break - remember?) and unless I miss my guess, students will once again provide the rank and file of the initial oppositional response. And that's something the latest campus democracy movement will have contributed to, even as the war's approach may have helped stop the Code. N lkI o n the Arabian P e n i n s u l a fondling broadca compel churns The January governr could n bag pla overtirr The Middle CBS or i environ a millio supply America name o democr The unusua When the leaders speak ofp The common folk know, That war is coming. When the leaders curse war The mobilization order isa written out. - Be There was a tremendou drama and impending doo news this week. World lea being crushed like twigs, a and Hussein were snarling another like gamecocks. T are finally finished - "Dui on the ranch, reading his autobiography, and marvel detail and Margaret Thatc the House of Lords, to dro among her own kind. I called Dublin to hear d to Thatcher's demise. Myc Barry Murphy said that in London, people were weeping wretchedly, and cursing Heseltine and his bawdy friends; but in Dublin, they were cheering like Eagles fans at the Superbowl, and buying pints of Guinness f peace, assembled troops that Saddam might not give in to the sanctions, and that's where they came in - donating their r, lives and limbs, as it were. They already cheered him, for reasons that remain unclear, but Bush owes the Saudis for more than expensive oil -the Saudi rtolt Brecht royal family kindly donated money to the contras when Congress was being s sense of obstreperous about opening the u.s. m in the coffers for ammo funds. ders were Dan Rather, meanwhile, was .nd Bush streaking around the desert floor in at one his Banana Republic 'Safari Traveler' he eighties Jacket, looking increasingly unstable. itch" is off He interviewed a few soldiers who said that all they wanted was to go [ling at the home to their families, but Rather her is off to wanted none of it. He was more ol and froth interested in the flyboys who were refuelling the fighter planes, and he reaction reloading the Sidewinder missiles. old friend They ran a mock reload for the cameras, and Rather got so excited that he practically volunteered things, like fast machinery, sunshine and highly amplified rock'n'roll music. It looks like a fairly good gig at the moment, but you can be sure that Bush won't be spending Spring Break in the Gulf. Hussein is a strange piece of work. Being so skeptical of anything that appears in the media that I scarcely believe what I write myself, I tend not to believe that Hussein is as crazed as the government (and thus, the media) would have us believe. He has a fine oratorial touch, reminiscent of the Book of Revelations, and his people seem to like him; but his public relations people aren't up to scratch. Hussein's penchant for -i. ni or total C. 1~~ Milii Vanilli for President A month or so ago, the world, or at least those who purport to speak for it, was shocked when it was revealed that pop band Milli Vanilli's concerts were pre-recorded. More recently, nine-year-olds across the globe have been traumatized by the admission that the duo did not even sing on their own album. As for me, I'm pleased as punch. When the first scandal hit, I felt left out, since at that point in time I had never heard a Milli Vanilli song. Now, thanks to the later revelations, I can be one of the crowd again, since no one has heard a Milli Vanilli song. Still, not everyone is as good-natured as I am, and quite a few of them are plenty pissed. For example, whoever it is that gives out the Grammy awards evidently does not appreciate the Zen beauty of all this, and has revoked the pairs Best New Artist prize for 1989. Well, if there ever was a case of an inappropriate response, this is it. Milli Vanilli deserves a Grammy. In fact, they should be given a special award for Most Exemplary Artists of the 1980s. So what if they were nothing but a tool in the hands of faceless producers and engineers trying to appeal to the lowest common denominator? All that demonstrates is that, more than anyone else, Milli Vanilli felt the zeitgeist of the Reagan era. Indeed, I can think of no experience more like that of listening to Milli Vanilli than that of hearing a television image tell me that not only did it not know of an arms-for-hostages trade, but that there was no arms-for-hostages trade. If that was the case, then the administration might well have traded Milli Vanilli records for hostages. Except that there were no Milli Vanilli records back then. Except that there never were any Milli Vanilli records, period. Oh, dear.I The funny thing is, Reagan was undoubtedly being completely honest, since he no more wrote his own speeches than Milli Vanilli sang their own songs. Every word Reagan said, like every phrase Milli Vanilli lip-synched, was put together by the aforementioned faceless producers and engineers trying to appeal to the lowest common denominator. For all I know, they were put together by the same faceless producers and engineers trying to appeal to the lowest common denominator. It wouldn't surprise me. Both groups had the same knack for producing vacuous hit singles. d Don't get me wrong. I'm not the least bit happy about this. As a Romantic, I would much prefer to believe that these mysm i us Yance- me- behind the scenes were part of some ancient cabal that used people like Reagan and Kennedy as fronts for their power and put subliminal mind-control messages into Top 40 songs. But I simply can't. The producers are just average Joes, trying Va I r to sell their product from 9 to 5 before going home to watch television. Whatever successful conspiracies there are out there are no different from any other business; they're just more covert. I'm sure that the Nazi Party's inner sanctum's conversations weren't all that different from the talk you hear in the back of a supermarket, except that when Joseph Mengele asked how many units they had moved that day, he was nonchalantly inquiring as to the number of innocents the State had put to death. The people who choreographed a Nuremburg rally were undoubtedly more concerned with crowd control than with the archetypes they were invoking. And, if I may briefly speak from a moral vacuum, they did a good job. Hitler stayed at the top of the charts for 12 years, which is a pretty good record, especially considering that, unlike Reagan and Milli Vanilli, he played his own instruments. Still, it was the 1980s that saw the faceless production business at its peak. To this day, most people still believe that Reagan cut taxes, that Reagan trimmed government spending, that Reagan brought freedom to Central America, that Reagan was a great defender of family values, that Reagan had the ability to speak in complete sentences without the assistance of a trained professional. How this tax-hiking, free-spending, dictatorship- supporting divorce's producers managed that is beyond my comprehension. Not everyone is so talented. Look at Walter Mondale or Michael Dukakis. Both of them were every bit as much the product of a team of speechwriters and polltakers as R.R. was, but to this day they remain about as successful as New Coke. Still, the fact that they were as open as they were about having their strings pulled - I can still remember Time doing a profile of the person who wrote Mondale's "where's the beef' gag - puts them squarely within the 80s tradition. I probably shouldn't try to speculate as to what actually goes on behind the scenes. The possibilities are endless. Was Ronald Reagan really president for eight years, or was he, as the Church of the SubGenius suggests, replaced by a clone after the real McCoy dropped out to join a punk band? If he did leave the presidency to pursue a musical career, is it possible that it was his voice that was used on the Milli Vanilli record? And how do we know that all those people dying of AIDS aren't really the victims of that swine flu epidemic Ford was so up in arms about a decade and a half ago? Do we know? More importantly, do we care? Probably not, at least so far as most of us are concerned. Which may be for the best. It certainly makes the producers' jobs easier for them, and I will not begrudge them the results of their labor. After all, they mean us no harm, so long as we are accurately reflected by the Nielsens. It's only the people without television sets who have to be careful. strangers. But enough about Thatcher. She will not be missed, and John Major, the ignorant young yahoo from Brixton will not make it past the next election. The real excitement was going on at points far east, on the Arabian peninsula, where George Bush was 'visiting' American troops. Bush did not look happy - he had spent the previous three months calling Hussein a dangerous sot, and he was prancing nervously around the desert within easy reach of the Iraqi missiles. Some called it brave, but wiser minds knew that Bush was paying his respects, and getting the hell out before the bomb doors opened. The American public has at best a dim understanding of the crisis, but they aren't getting any help from the media. Liberals are not sure who to blame, and conservative commentators are so divided that even the normally witless Vice President recognized a "Buchanan- Safire" split. It was even harder to tell the villains apart on television. Col. Quadaffi at least had the decency to dress like our image of a blood-crazed fiend, but Saddam was striding around Baghdad in a three-piece suit from Saville Row, looking like Merill Lynch's Middle Eastern Portfolio Manager. Bush was dressed in a golf outfit of some sort, telling the on-camera to fly a night- time raid on Baghdad, [19, where Muhammad Ali I was roaming the streets, preaching peace to anyone who would listen. On NBC, a soldier was explaining earnestly that he was there to defend Kuwait, and the higher principles of democracy and human rights. There was a cruel irony in all of this, considering that the deposed Emir of Kuwait was a raving slut worse than Caligula or Hugh Hefner who took himself a new wife every week, and almost accidentally married his own daughter last year. Foreigners were allowed to work in Kuwait for a couple of months, and then tossed back into the sands before they got uppity. The Kuwaiti royal family was never a flagbearer of participative democracy, and when the Iraqis came crashing over the border, the Royals bagged all the gold bullion, froze their bank accounts, and fled - leaving Saddam a country which, economically, was about as useful as tits on a bull. The American troops are facing a war that bears few similarities to Vietnam. An old friend of mine who fought in Vietnam swore that were it not for drugs, he would never have lasted. Many a night on patrol, he would toss his M16 into the undergrowth and smoke off a big chunk of Saigon red, while the guns boomed around him. But there will be no hiding in the desert. The troops on the Arabian peninsula are being denied some of life's necessities - beer and sex - although they have plenty of other I 4 WEEKEND November 30, 1990 i