In the basemenfit's "Oh my God, it's a great big huge leopard print dress," exclaimed Basement Arts' Kristin Fontichiaro, as she rifled through a dusty trunk of old costumes. While other theater operations may throw away such an outlandish costume, you never know what may be needed in Basement Arts. Working out of the Arena Theater in the basement of the Frieze Building, the University's own underground theater is true to its name. Basement Arts works with material and a budget that by Mary Beth Barber and Elizabeth Lenhard can only be compared to New York's experimental off-off-off- Broadway. The dingy Arena Theater, with its rough brick walls and collapsible chairs, sets, and platforms, doubles as a classroom during the day. The black curtains and shadowy atmosphere call to mind the secret meetings of a group of rebels or a speak-easy of Prohibition days. The student-run program is an innovative development of the theater department that for several years has been providing an almost unheard-of artistic opportunity for University students.All shows are directed, som'ething 1 produced and performed by University undergraduates. One of the most appealing aspects of Basement Arts to a poor university student is that all shows are free. The $2,000 annual budget is funded by the Department of Theatre and Drama and the School of Music. This works out to about $100 per show, a drop in the bucket compared to the overall budgets of the two schools. Most funds go to pay for royalty fees. Basement Arts is a theater of choice. Not only do students carry out all aspects of production, but they often write the plays as well. This leaves freedom for any mode oDInothing of personal expression. Last year the repertoire spanned from Tracers, an off-Broadway play written by Vietnam veterans, to Waiting for Lefty, a piece written during the depression to spur on a strike. Jon Steiger, an tsA senior, believes that there are advantages to the smaller theater. "Tracers, I think, is a show... that can be done in a normal setting - or a larger, more traditional setting - but in a smaller arena I think it was more powerful, and we are able to involve the audience more." WaitingforLefty however, would not work on a traditional stage, and is perfect for the Arena. The Union Hall setting calls for personal involvement v -the audience, as the cast members break down the fourth wall and persuade the spectators to join in their strike. This year, as in the past, promises a variety of work, from political commentary to drama to comedy. Mainstream pieces include The Zoo Story by Edward Albee and Geography of a Horse Dreamer by Sam Shepard. But everything in the Basement has a twist. "Normally Geography has an all-male cast," said Eric Fehlauer, co-chairperson of Basement Arts, "but [in our production] it's going to be almost all women." And although well-known playwrights, Shepard and Albee are certainly not traditional. Their innovative techniques and styles first A long and complicated analysis... "The only way for ajournalist to look at a poltician is down" -H.L.Mencken It is late, but down the hall, the news staff are grappling with deadlines, the doctrines of objectivity, fairness, balance, truth and decency. And these are fine ideas, but I am more comfortable with greed, lies, lunacy and evil scum-suckers, which these days leads to those involved in the waning Savings and Loan crisis. When the S&L debacle first hit the headlines early in 1989, the projected cost of bailing out the failed thrifts was estimated at $150 billion. All across the country, millions of people failed to get upset. By July of this year, the real cost was looking like $500 billion, a figure even beyond the comprehension of my scientific calculator. By my primitive calculations, the S&L disaster would cost every American over $2,000. Two thousand bucks apiece, please. Yes, YOU personally owe two big ones to the government. Spread your payments out over the rest of your life. Pay at the Treasury Desk. Again, there was a resounding national non- uproar. Newspapers stopped calling the S&L fiasco a scandal. Apparently, no one was scandalized. "Jesus wept," I thought. "What sum of money will upset these people?" The answer materialized about a week into August, when the price of a gas fill-up rose by a dollar, followed by a national freak-out and the largest military mobilization since the Vietnam war. I could sense a newjoi de vivre ,a new raison d'etre (and other things solely explicable in French) in Washington, especially in the news media. The media had been having a difficult time with the S&L crisis, which was not easy to . explain on television, until Neil Bush managed to get himself embroiled in his own S&L fiasco, to the mortal embarrassment of the Republican party. Many journalists had no idea where the whole mess had come from, and most editorial comment in newspapers was by Rnin G. Lynch confined to cartoons, where long and complicated analyses were not required to apportion the blame. Came the Persian Gulf crisis. Flags, tanks, F-15's flashing into the desert twilight, unctuous thumbs-up and a villainous dictator who provided his own fooage... good Lord, call the front desk, we're back in business. Fire the S&L experts, we won't be needing them anymore... There was a similar reaction in Congress. During the 1980s, the S&L industry had contributed $11 million to members of Congress, who had obligingly kept the regulators off the backs of the thrift owners while they cleaned out the till to the tune of $500 billion. Savings and Loan corporations had traditionally operated on the 3-6-3 principle: pay interest on deposits at three percent, make loans at six percent, play golf at three o'clock. But in the early 1980s, thrifts found themselves lending long (in mortgages) and borrowing short (in savings accounts), and when interest rates soared, their fortunes sank. Thrift owners called for deregulation, to open up new sources of income. Despite warnings from the financial press, and urged on by its industry patrons, Congress deregulated the thrift business in 1983. For the next six years, S&L officials invested in shady deals of every ilk, from oil exploration to buying art. The banking practices were unsound, and many deals floundered. In one thrift, Vernon Savings, % percent of the loans went bad. If ever Congress had been caught with its hand in the cookie jar, this was it. As recently as 1988, 61 Senators and 333 House members listed significant donations from the S&L industry. The most visible culprits were the "Keating five," the five senators who had accepted huge contributions from Charles Keating, whose Lincoln Savings and Loan corporation went into Chapter 11 bankruptcy in April 1989, with a loss of $2.5 billion. Sen. Donald Riegle (D-Mich.) was one of the Keating five. Riegle, along with the other four, claimed that the contributions did not buy his influence. Keating had other ideas. "One question, among the many raised in recent weeks, had to do with whether my financial support in any way influenced several political figures to take up my cause," he was quoted in Smart. "I want to say, in the most forceful way I can: I certainly hope so." Riegle eventually returned all of the money given him by Keating: a total of $78,250. In total, he returned in the range of $120,000 from sources tied to the S$L industry, but it looks like more than a routine damage control problem this time. Sen. Carl Levin (D-Mich) is up for re-election in November, and he also has returned money from sources that could be considered "tainted." He returned $2,000 from one source, and is returning $7,500 to a law company in New York that had worked for Keating (although Keating has employed up to 77 law firms at one time). On a comparative scale, Levin appears clean. His opponent Bill Schuette is doomed anyway, especially in Ann Arbor, where he made a brief appearance with political albatross Dan Quayle slung around his neck. It looks like Congress has slithered its way out of yet another potentially disastrous situation, but it is said that people get the government they deserve. 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