OPINION Page 4 Tuesday, November 28, 1989 The Jesuits were no exception: Death The Michigan Daily uurders S By David Austin The killing of six Jesuit priests, their cook and her daughter in San Salvador last week shocked the world and brought inter- national condemnation to the Salvadoran government and military for perpetuating such atrocities. However, a closer look re- veals that the killings were not unusual and very much in keeping with both U.S. policy in El Salvador and the current gov- ernment, run by the ARENA party. ' ARENA is the party that represents the elite of Salvadoran society, an elite whose wealth compares with that of the the Rockefellers. For decades this group has increased its wealth at the expense of the poor majority. Attempts to change this system of injustice and exploitation peace- fully were met with electoral fraud and massive repression, creating a ruling al- Snlndnr r openly admired by ARENA members and ARENA's founder and President for Life once said, "You Germans were very intel- ligent. You realized that the Jews were re- sponsible for the spread of Communism, and you began to kill them." Former U.S. ambassador to El Salvador Robert White said in Congressional testimony that "ARENA is a violent Fascist party mod- eled after the NAZIs." ARENA and its predecessor govern- ments have used extreme repression to control the population, labeling anyone opposed to the government a "communist". As a result, more than 60,000 civilians have been killed by the Salvadoran military and government orga- nized death squads. Vides Casanova, the current Minister of Defense, has told Sal- vadoran president Alfredo Christiani that "the armed forces are prepared to kill 200,000 to 300,000 if that's what it takes." The killings of the Jesuit priests was shocking and seemed out of place because quad u we are constantly told by our government and media that El Salvador is democracy. Yet in a democracy there are no death squads and the government doesn't rely on repression to stay in power. In this con- text, the Salvadoran government's indis- criminate bombing of civilians in the past week and the slayings of the Jesuit priests was not an aberration, but part of a histor- ical pattern of mass slaughter on the part of the government, slaughter support un- conditionally by our government and paid for with our tax dollars. The FMLN offensive has not only re- vealed the true nature of the allegedly "democratic" government of El Salvador, it has also shown how the U.S main- stream media are not neutral in their re- porting, but in fact support U.S. policy. For example, the media reveal their bias by prefacing every mention of the guerril- las as "leftist." The intended inference is that if they are leftist, they are commu- nist, and if they are communist they are supported by Moscow, and if this is true, then it is our duty to opposed them, using whatever means are necessary. If the media insist on using labels, why don't they preface every mention of the Salvadoran government with the word "fascist"? little about the conditions in which elec- tions have taken place, such as no freedom of the press, extreme repression and com- pulsory voting; and nothing about the constant state of repression that exists in 'Many people in the outskirts of San Salvador [have said] they would not leave because then the government would destroy the guerillas - that they were staying to provide protection to the guerrillas.' A further bias is seen in the media's choice of sources for information during the offensive. The principle source has been daily briefings by the U.S. embassy, a practice reminiscent of the Vietnam war when the U.S. military gave daily brief- ings on how the U.S. was winning the war. With the exception of Pacifica News Service, no reporter has sought out the guerrillas as a source of information or analysis. And while the mainstream media are saying every day that Salvadorans are not taking sides in the conflict, Pacifica has quoted many people in the outskirts of San Salvador as saying that they would not leave because then the government would destroy the guerillas; that they were staying to provide protection to the guer- rillas. Nor have any mainstream reporters been intrepid enough to infer that in a country where, in the past, open support of civil- ian opposition politicians and/or the guer- rillas has been enough to bring a death squad to your door, people are not going to tell the media now that they support the guerrillas. The roots of El Salvador's civil war clearly lie in the state of extreme poverty in which most Salvadoran are forced to live - without land, education, health care or even jobs, and no way to change the system peacefully. The U.S. is fond of pointing to El Salvador as a model democ- racy. However, our government has said El Salvador. In contrast to the government's reliance on repression to stay in power, the FMLN4 guerrilla coalition has developed extensive civilian support, both in the cities and the countryside. Prior to the offensive last week, the FMLN controlled approximately one third of the country. In those liberated areas, the guerrillas set up networks of health clinics and schools, conducting immunization and literacy campaigns, and set up popularly elected local govern- ments. This popular support could also be seers last week. The offensive was months in preparation, with the FMLN moving sup- plies and people into the capital and mov- ing freely in the neighborhoods where the poor are concentrated. That the offensive has lasted so long is proof that the FMLN has more support than the Salvadoran government and the U.S. are willing to concede. For the last ten years the U.S. haj funded massive repression in El Salvador, propping up governments that seek only to preserve the wealth of an elite strata of society and preventing the development of real democracy. The killings of the Jesuit priests last week were only the latest in- stallment. If there is genuine concern over those deaths, the appropriate response it to demand an end to U.S. funding of such atrocities. Dave Austin is an LSA senior and a bake at the Wildflour Community Bakery. iance between the oligarchy and the mili- tary. This coalition has maintained its po- sition with the aid of the United States, which currently sends more than $1.5 mil- lion per day to prop up the government. ARENA is a fascist party. Hitler is In the past ten years the United States has spent more than $3.5 billion dollars in El Salvador. In that same period, the Salvadoran government has murdered more than 60,000 civilians. There are no death squads in a democracy - El Salvador is not a democracy. Edited and managed by students at The University of Michigan Former CIA agent speaks out: Agee a 'threat' to national security Vol. C, No. 58 420 Maynard St. Ann Arbor, MI 48109 Unsigned editorials represent a majority of the Daily's Editorial Board. All other cartoons, signed articles, and letters do not necessarily represent the opinion of the Daily. Hail to the Victors AS LITTLE as a year ago, Michigan fans seemed to have resigned themselves to a second place finish without much argument, although they loved the University's sports teams. Thousands still took hours out every week to make their way to Michigan Stadium or Crisler Arena, but most thought of the Michigan teams as ones that lost "The Big Game." Now a new tradition is emerging in Michigan sports. The Michigan football team is off for its second consecutive trip to the Rose Bowl in Pasadena, and the NCAA National Basketball Cham- pionship banner is being presented to the men's team at tomorrow night's game against Grambling State. The last line of the Michigan fight song, "Champions of the West!" is now more true than ever. At the beginning of last year's bas- ketball season, seniors, hardened after three years of early exits from the NCAA tournament, were busy explain- ing to naive first-year students how the Wolverines would not and could not make it past the tournament's third round. All one had to do was mention two words, "North Carolina," and that would be the end of afternoons spent perched in front of ESPN. But last year proved the doomsayers wrong. As usual, the Tarheels and the Wolverines met in the third round. Another loss to the Atlantic Coast Conference's champion seemed immi- nent. But Michigan pulled off the upset, did away with Virginia in the quarterfinals, Big Ten rival Illinois in the first game of the Final Four in Rose Bowl and the No. 1 position on the Associated Press Football Writers Poll. It seemed impossible to argue against the idea that Michigan was jinxed after the disappointing 1986-87 season. First, they lost to Minnesota, dashing any championship hopes they might have harbored. Though they made the Rose Bowl that year, they lost there to Arizona State. Four entire classes, a whole generation of Michigan students, had passed through the University without a Rose Bowl victory. Sure, Michigan is a perennial athletic powerhouse, but "Michigan can't win the big one" became the common rap. Last year's win against Southern Cali- fornia shattered that perception. On January 1, Michigan will try to become the first ever Big Ten team to win back-to-back Rose Bowl champi- onships. While there have been Pacific- 10 schools that have won back-to-back Rose Bowls, it has never happened to a Big Ten team. After a season-opening loss to Notre Dame, which seemed to dash any National Championship aspirations, the Wolverines have won ten straight games. With a little help from Notre Dame (which plays undefeated Colorado in the Orange Bowl), Michigan stands to make a realistic claim to the top spot in the country. Other Michigan teams are also vying for top honors in their sports this year. Men's and women's swimming are se- rious contenders after finishing third The following are excerpts of an inter- view with former Central Intelligence Agent Philip Agee by Opinion Page staff writer Liz Paige. Agee worked for the CIA in Ecuador, Uruguay, and Mexico. He quit the Agency in 1968. Since leaving the Agency, Agee has written several books about the CIA and has spoken at over 150 college campuses about Murder Inc. This is the second of a three part series. Daily: Give us an update on your case in getting your passport back from the Federal Government. A: Well, its a problem that dates back to 1970s when my passport was revoked by the Carter administration at the begin- ning of the Iranian hostage crisis. We went to court on that and the Dis- trict Court and the Court of Appeals found that the action was unconstitutional. Then the case went to the Supreme Court and the Supreme Court overturned the first two decisions and ruled against me, thereby also striking down some of their key passport decisions of the 1950s and 1960s. That was the end of it in the first phase. The second phase started two years ago when I applied for a U.S. passport in an- ticipation of coming back to the United States for the first time in more than 15 years. Six months after I applied for the pass- port, which brings us to the summer of 1987, Schultz who was then Secretary of State, refused the passport and he certified, in order to justify, that my activities are continuing to cause serious damage to "the national security and foreign policy of the United States." That's the operative phrase from the regulations under which they re- voked the passport in the first place. That began an appeals process which has been going on for two years. And ac- cording to the regulations I have a right, had a right, to a hearing where the De- partment of State had to justify its action. The hearing was held in September 1987 The Department of State refused to give me the opportunity to cross-examine and confront - which I have a right to do un- der the regulations - this one witness, who is the Director of the CIA. So we appealed to the Board of Appel- late Review, which is the highest appeal body in the administrative appeal process within the department of state and they remanded the case to the Department of State saying, complete the record you didn't follow your own regulations. The Department is still refusing to fol- low the regulations and the next step is,. which may come in the next few weeks, is to go to the District court asking for re- lief, and an injunction requiring the De- partment of State to produce Mr. Webster for my confrontation and cross-examina- tion over these 12 points. So that is where we are now. D:What are some of these alleged 12 points which make you dangerous to "the national security and foreign pol- icy of the United States"? A: For example, that I served as an edi- torial advisor to a magazine in Nicaragua called Sovereignty, a magazine which is no longer published, but it was published in the early 1980s. They had my name on the editorial masthead as a consultant without having consulted me. Actually they were friends of mine, and I had written for the magazine. But the very fact that I was on the editorial board of this magazine of this Nicaraguan magazine was supposedly damaging to the national security of the United States. Imagine. Another was that I had received a pass port from Grenada early on just after my passport was revoked and I used that pass- port for travel until the invasion in 1983 by the United States. At that time I was in Nicaragua, quite by chance, I was at a sol- idarity conference, and I spoke with Nicaraguans there. They said they wanted to assist me, to be able to travel, I worked with the Sandinistas for many years, and so they gave me a Nicaraguan passport And that is still the passport I use today. They say that this damages the security of the United States. They produced a number of interviews I had given to various publications in Eu- rope. Wherein the things I said supposedly damaged the "national security" of the United States, and where in violation of an injunction which dates back to 1980 re- quiring that everything I say and write about the CIA be submitted to the CIA fo censorship. There was another article which appeared in a West German publication in Cologne and they claimed that this article was not submitted for censorship. When in actual fact we produced the same article in English with the letter approving, or giv- ing clearance for the publication of the ar- ticle. And they didn't even realize it was the same article because it was in German, and it was the English language version which they had approved. These kind of things which are utterly ridiculous they are using in order to force me to spend enormous amounts of money to assert my right for a passport. And so the next step, as I have said, is to go to the District Court in Washington. 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