4 OPINION Page 4 Monday, December 5, 1988 The Michigan Daily 4 3br £kidwu iailsg Edited and managed by students at The University of Michigan BSU: Focus the fire Vol. IC, No. 61 420 Maynard St, Ann Arbor, MI 48109 Unsigned editorials represent a majority of the Daily's Editorial Board. All other cartoons, signed articles, and letters do not necessarily represent the opinion of the Daily. Open another section RACISM, SEXISM, HOMOPHOBIA: they are mentioned in almost every issue of the Daily. You know these terms refer to problems people of color, women and gays struggle with in our society, but do you know how these 'isms' are structured into our lives at every turn, and what their history is? Most people don't. Most people see only the surface manifestations, the tip of the iceberg, and many would like to believe that's all there is. A class on understanding racism may soon become a requirement for LSA students. It would be useful for students to look at the issues of sexism and homophobia at the same time. Although all three 'isms' can operate similarly at times, there are many ways in which they differ. Anyone who wishes to learn how not to participate in oppression needs to study the history and workings of racism, sexism and heterosexism (along with Third World perspectives on the effects of U.S. foreign policy). Until now, there have been no classes at this University on gay issues. Next term, after much prodding of the University by Lesbian and Gay Rights Organizing Committee (LaGROC), a trial course on Lesbian Issues will be offered for the first time (WS 110). This would be an exciting opportunity for students to learn about gay women's lives, in the process learning much about sexism and heterosexism. Unfortunately, the course has only one section, which filled after only three days of registration. Frustrated students well know that, as a result, no first or second year students will be able to take this course. Another problem with the course as it stands is that it is currently a one-credit mini-course. There is a wealth of fascinating material by and about lesbians that cannot be used, due to the time limitation. In particular, fiction is often especially useful in developing a well-rounded perspective, but it is difficult to ask students to read whole novels for a mini-course. It is a telling indicator of how heterosexism works to realize that the instructor of this course is taking a big risk, perhaps endangering her whole academic career, by teaching this course and identifying so publicly her interest in lesbian issues. The University should offer more sections of this valuable course next term, and expand it next year to a two or three credit course. LaGROC, the Women's Studies Program, and the courageous course instructor should be commended for their efforts to bring Lesbian Issues to the University. By the Executive Board of the Black Student Union To Black students and concerned allies: Since the Democratic National Conven- tion, Jesse Jackson has sent out a crystal clear call to Black Americans and others comprising "the dispossessed" to "Keep Hope Alive." With the inevitable trounce of Michael Dukakis by the Bush electoral forces, it is obvious that more than mere rhetoric is necessary to prevent hope's flame from being extinguished. The Black Student Union would like to strongly suggest certain things concerned Blacks students and our allies must do, outside of the Democratic party, to keep guard over hope's flame, and in some cases, rekindle the fire all together. Despite the rising tide of Republicanism and conservativism that has engulfed America, there is a concomitant and bur- geoning mood of activism that is revitalizing the Black student movement. This movement is slowly being set in motion upon predominantly white cam- puses such as the University of Mas- sachusetts, Princeton, and our own cam- pus, as well as historically Black schools like Howard University, Morgan State, and Hampton. However, in paraphrasing James Baldwin, "the firethis time," unlike what sparked in the 1960's, must be fo- cused, consistent, relevant and systematic. Black student activists must fuse the idealism of Black consciousness with the pragmatism of meeting Black community needs. This means, as Amiri Baraka notes, that we must learn much more in our classes and from our personal reading than a few clever lines of Shakespeare or the characters in Harlequin Romances. We must aggressively pursue knowledge about great Black leaders and thinkers such as Harriet Tubman, W.E.B. DuBois, Mary Church Terrell, Marcus Garvey, Assata Shakkur, Malcolm X, Ella Baker, Medgar Evers, and the movements they inspired. As we gain knowledge, we must use it as a basis for fighting for our rights on campus, as well as developing alternative institutions which fortify the intellectual and material resources of our people. In his November 4th Black Solidarity Day address, Dr. Manning Marable sug- gested the building of freedom schools modeled after those of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee or the offering of services such as health clinics and hot-lunches to inner-city chil- dren like those of the Black Panther Party of Chicago. Concerned Black students must collectively begin now ; not when we have conveniently reached the top of the status quo, to contribute the time and energy necessary for promoting the well- being of those Black Americans most de- nied. This "self-help" strategy does not promote self-defeat, but rather, self-deter- mination; for as Prof. Michael Dawson in the Center for Afro-American and African Studies has stressed, African Americans must defend their interests no matter who occupies the White House or Capitol Hill. Also, since we are talking about gener- ating efforts toward the Black community, we must not isolate and insulate ourselves from the harsh, daily realities that confront our people. Instead, in whatever way we can, we must face these realities head on and help our brothers and sisters brace sessed peoples. Such an alliance will only be possible when we are sure our leader- ship is dedicated more toward life-service than lip-service. Political organization will inevitably move us closer toward constructing an agenda that serves the interests of Black America overall. We are not part of one, monolithic community, for some of the Black middle-class is ensnared and lost in the materialism and individualism of America. Yet, for those of us who actively identify with the plight of our working- class and poor brothers and sisters, we must independently decide what stances we will assume on key local, national, and international issues. Mather than just mimicking the Demo- cratic party's rhetoric, we must make up our own collective minds on issues such as drugs, crime, homelessness, and educa- tion in the local and national spheres; as well as the impending South African revolution, and the Palestinian uprising in the international sphere. This means we 4 'As we gain knowledge, we must use it as a basis for fighting for our rights on campus, as well as developing alternative institutions which fortify the intellectual and material re- sources of our people.' against the impending storm of Bush and his political minions. This means that we must make political alliances with exist- ing community organizations to affect change within in our community, and to harness power that sways the politics of our communities and cities. In 1965, Malcolm X formed the Orga- nization of Afro-American Unity (OAAU) as an attempt to deal with the practical problems plaguing our people. The power of the vote is limited, but as Malcolm states in his "Ballot or the Bullet" speech, it must be effectively utilized as part of a larger program of empowerment to force mayors, governors, congressmen, and presidents to be responsive to our needs. In the coming decade, we must particularly work to insure our Black leaders and politicians (particularly when self-pro- claimed) are accountable to our needs and not beyond constructive criticism and cen- sure. Many have advocated building an in- dependent political base, cemented by sev- eral strategic alliances with other dispos- must be informed. We must have both a local and global understanding and ap- proach to our problems and those of other people of color. Malcolm X informed us that such an approach is not only impor- tant but vital. Therefore, much is to be done in the next four years and beyond to move our people's interests forward, despite the Re- turn of the Right. We must begin, upon this campus, by affirming our cultural identity and building a family among students of African descent at the University of Michigan. We can use such a basis to move, as a collective, cohesive force in generating change upon campus and in our community. As students of African de- scent, we have a special obligation to de- velop our knowledge; to contribute our resources; and to help set agendas. If you take this article to heart, it is possible that this process has already begun and hope's flame burns ever brightly. Unbalanced scales THE SUPREME COURT recently is- sued an opinion stating that loss of evi- dence by the police does not violate a defendant's right to due process of law as long as the police do not act in "bad faith." The case, Arizona v. Young- blood, involves a man who allegedly kidnapped and sodomized a boy. The police, however, lost a key piece of evidence - the boy"s clothing which contained the perpetrator's semen residue - that would have determined through lab tests whether it was Mr. Youngblood who committed the crime. The Court defined "bad faith" as the intent on the part of the police to lose or destroy evidence that they knew to be helpful to the defense. It went even further by holding the defendant re- sponsible for proving police "bad faith." This ruling contradicts an innate characteristic of the criminal judicial system: the burden of proof belongs to the prosecution, not the defense. The ruling further unbalances the scales of justice because defendants cannot adequately investigate the po- lice. Most likely, they lack the re- sources, namely knowledge of inves- tigative procedure or the money re- quired to hire a private detective. Even if they have the resources, they lack the authority to fully investigate the closed- door premises of the police department. The Court is adding a subjective fac- tor to this trial within a trial by allowing the police to use the "but we didn't mean to do it" excuse to. get off the hook. If the Court is willing to accept this defense for the police, it is opening the prison door to accepting it for those who do not mean to commit their crimes. The drunk driver who kills a person does not mean to do it but is still convicted for manslaughter. Ac- cording to the logic of this new ruling, they should also get off the hook. The reason that they do not and should not is that everybody is held responsible for their own actions, except for the police, of course. Police officers not held responsible for their actions are a dangerous weapon. The police can now act negli- gently and lose evidence in important cases, and as long as their intentions can not be proven, they are not held re- sponsible. They are no longer held in check by the threat of the defendant getting off on a technicality. They can now assume an attitude of apathy to- wards the evidence-gathering process, which should be administered with great care because concrete evidence does not lie. It is usually the most ob- jective evidence in a trial, and creates a more effective judicial system. Defen- dants should not have to suffer for the mistakes of the police. The end result is that the defendant does not get a fair trial. In Mr. Young- blood's case, there were no witnesses to the crime. He will not have a fair chance of winning because the case rests on the ten-year-old victim's iden- tification of him as the perpetrator. There is no objectivity in this trial. This Supreme Court decision encourages incompetence on the part of the police and gives them unwarranted power to manipulate the fate of the ac- cused. In allowing for the possible conviction of innocent people, the Supreme Court is itself committing a serious crime. A winter mythology By Sandra Steingraber Even if the price is death... this heroine revels in her own degradation, in her white-heat highs and her desperate,flame- out lows.... [She] stalks the streets with the lusting fervor of a bitch in heat. - Christopher Potter in his review of the film A Winter Tan (Ann Arbor News, 11/19) In spite of its four-star review in the Ann Arbor News, I'm not going to see A Winter Tan. There are those who will no doubt say I shouldn't write about what I haven't seen. But in fact, after reading the reviews, I feel as though I have seen this film already (again, again and again): A once reputable woman breaks free from social constraints and heads out on a sexual odyssey (read "the road to ruin") fueled by desperation and insecurity. This leads to victimization, degradation, psychosis and, ultimately, to her violent death (read "she pays the price"). This plot line has become almost a mythic archetype in cinema. I am more interested in why filmmakers are fixated on telling and retelling this story than I am in finding out whether this is the most brilliant cinematic treatment to date on this theme. And I am more interested in exploring the effect these films have on the women who see them than whether or Women's Words is a weekly column that provides a forum for feminist perpectives and a voice for women in the community. The Daily encourages responses and contributions from its readers. Contact Amy or Betsy at the Opinion Page for more information. not the details of this or that particular rendition are based on a "true story." (A Winter Tan is based on the life of New York academic Maryse Holder who was murdered in a seedy Mexican hotel room ) And I am less interested in condemning specific films I haven't seen than I am in exploring why women like myself feel the need to protect themselves from certain kinds of cinema. In the words of one woman friend of mine who decided against seeing A Winter Tan after skimming through the reviews: "Nope, this is called a mind fuck." Several years ago, a friend and I saw Looking for Mr. Goodbar, a previous in- carnation of this same myth. Diane Keaton played the Catholic schoolteacher by day and the fevered seductress by night. Tormented by an unexplainable death wish, she haunts low-life discos, slides into a spiral of sexual abuse and humilia- tion (which she mysteriously desires) and is finally knife-fucked in her own bed by a deranged stud. She bleeds to death. The strobe light keeps flashing. The end. I remember walking home afterwards in stunned silence; neither of us could speak about what we had seen for several days. And when we did, it was not to say that the last scene depicted something unreal or fantastic. Misogyny is real. The rape/murder of women is real. In fact, both of us at the time were terrified that our younger sisters back at home had lifestyles that could set them up for a similar fate. When we finally spoke, we asked each other two questions: At what point does the serious cinematic depiction of the sex- ual destruction of women legitimize and sanction what is in fact very real and very horrible? And, given how much of this destruction we felt we had internalized, why should we go to see these movies? The first question I still haven't an- swered for myself. I want to say that the purpose of cinematic art is to explore all truths, however dark. But what do you say about filmmakers who see truth in the sexualization of violence and degradation? Who depict women who somehow desire this state? (I am talking now about serious cinema and not uncut pornography or cheap slasher films in which it is clear that the victimization of women is de- picted purely for pruient entertainment). There is the avant garde French film, Moon in the Gutter, which features a deli- cate, high-class beauty inexplicably drawn to the seamy, underworld of rape-murders, seductions, batterings. The recurring im- age is a billboard proclaiming "Try An- other World." The moon in the gutter shines on the body of a dead woman. I had a hard time speaking after walking out of this movie as well. The answer to the second question is easier: women don't have to see these movies. It is legitimate to say that we refuse to see certain films - however scintillating in technique - in order to protect ourselves from the damage that occurs from internalizing these images and from vicariously living out this narrative myth. In saying so, we should be clear we are not pretending the destruction of women doesn't happen. Instead, we are asking why film cannot also be used to deliver us from the images that degrade and disem- 4 A 4 I .............*. .*. .* . *.* .*.~ ... .,,.*. *.*. ... ............. ......................................... ............. *.~ .*.* ~ .*.* .~ . .*... . .*. . .* ................................................ ......................... Daily Opinion Page letter policy Due to the volume of mail, the Daily cannot print all the letters and columns it receives, although an effort is made to print the majority of the material1 on a wide rany of views. The Da~ilv cuitsletters andl columns for power us. r y r 1 1 "" t. {f . .. ... .. .. .... .. .......... ... .. ... "t: .. ............. . .r. ......... .... ..... ... ...." f i'l 'i 41 I