OPINION Page 4 Monday, April 11, 1988 The Michigan Daily FSLN By Roberto Frisancho The coalition for Democracy in Latin America (CDLA) was recently pleased to receive support from The Daily in an editorial ("Religious Freedom," 2/15/88), commending the erection of a chapel that protests the lack of separation of church and state. The chapel also protests the subsequent persecution of churches by the Sandinista National Liberation Front (FSLN) in Nicaragua. However, The Daily also expressed a desire that "any discussion of religious freedom in Nicaragua must also include its neighbors El Salvador, Honduras, Costa Rica, and Guatemala as a model for comparison." Unfortunately, this justifiable request had numerous er- rors. In the editorial, America's Watch was quoted as saying that "there is not a policy of anti-Semitism, nor are Christians- Catholic or Protestant- persecuted for their faith." In addition, the example was given of how many high government po- sitions are occupied by Catholic priests and church workers. To begin with, it is -ery hard to find any anti-Semitic policy at all in Nicaragua, since there are no Jews left to persecute as a result of having to flee from the Sandinistas after the revolu- tion. As for the Sandinistas position towards religion, Humberto Belli, a former Marx- ist and Sandinista before becoming a Christian in 1977, has pointed out in his book, Breaking Faith: The Sandinista Revolution and Its Impact on Freedom and C'hristian Faith in Nicaragua, that without a doubt "a careful reading of FSLN state- ments shows that there was an important qualification in the FSLN's tolerance of Roberto Frisancho is president of CDLA aid a junior in Industrial and Operations Engineering. .oesn'ta religion. The Sandinistas consistently ex- pounded an approach which evaluated reli- gious beliefs, institutions, and leaders on the basis of whether they supported the revolution." A clear case is shown in its 1981 New llow religious Nicaragua. Well, The Daily may be surprised to learn that even its own beloved Marxist- Leninist Sandinistas have admitted the importance of Cardinal Obando in their document on religion (Communicado de la 'If [socialism] means, as it should, that the interests of the majority of Nicaraguans are paramount, and if it includes a model of an economic system planned with national interests in mind that is in solidarity with and provides for increased participation of the people...we deem it just....' -Document issued by the Catholic bishops of Nicaragua Year's message (Mensaje de Ano Nuevo), where the Nicaraguan government junta put it very bluntly: "The true Christians, the sincere Christians, embrace the option of the Sandinista revolution..." Belli states with regard to this document that: It is important to note that failure to 'embrace the option of the Sandinista revolution' need not involve explicit rejection or criticism of the revolu- tion. It might mean merely the fail- ure to explicitly support the revolu- tion. This demand of the Sandinista government was shaped by the Marx- ist belief that no act is politically neutral. Shockingly, The Daily also said that "the popular church's support among the poor translated into broad opposition to the Somoza dictatorship. In contrast, the traditional church, led by Archbishop Miguel Cardenal Obando y Bravo and his followers, continued to implicitly support the dictatorship until its imminent down- fall." Thus, the implication is given that Cardinal Obando (who became a cardinal in 1985) was just lightly criticizing So- moza in order to avoid from having the Catholic Church to be persecuted in Direccion Nacional del FSLN sobre la Religion), published by the national directorate of the FSLN on October 7, 1980: The Catholic bishops on various oc- casions courageously denounced the crimes of the [Somoza] dictatorship, particularly Archbishop Obando y Bravo and Bishop Salazar y Espi- onoza, who, among others, suffered as a consequence the harassment of the Somocista thugs. Following the overthrow of Somoza on July 17, 1979, the bishops, on November 17, issued a thorough document on the position of Catholics in the new revolu- tionary period (Compromiso Cristiano para una Nicaragua Nueva): If through fear and mistrust, through the insecurity of some in the face of radical social change, or through the desire to defend personal interests, we neglect this crucial opportunity to commit ourselves to the poor ... we would be in serious violation of the gospel's teaching. Some feelings were also expressed with regard to how the new Nicaragua should be: Our commitment to the revolutionary process cannot mean naivete or blind enthusiasm, much less the creation of a new idol before which there is a duty to bow down unconditionally. We are asked what we think of socialism...If it means, as it should, that the interests of the majority of Nicaraguans are paramount, and if it includes a model of an economic sys- tem planned with national interests in mind that is in solidarity with and provides for increased participation of the people...we deem it just.... Thus, the bishops were in favor of democratic socialism, a system geared to satisfying the needs of the people while at the same time respecting basic freedoms and a representative political process. Us- ing those above stated requirements, the bishops repudiated totalitarian socialism: For if...socialism gets adulterated, robbing ...the people of their call to be free protagonists of history; if it attempts to blindly yoke the people to the manipulation and dictates of those who would then arbitrarily exercise power, such false socialism we could not accept. [It would be] equally un- acceptable to deny parents the right to educate their children according to their convictions. In conclusion, the bishops stated their hopes for a revolution that would eventu- ally be betrayed: We also have confidence that the revolutionary process will be some- thing original, creative, deeply na- tional, and in no way imitative, be- cause what we seek, together with the Nicaraguan majority, is a process that will result in a society completely and truly Nicaraguan, one that is neither reedom capitalist, nor dependent, nor totalitarian. With regard to the lack of adequate comprehension about liberation theology inherent throughout the editorial, one can- not really consider the merit of the theol- ogy without looking into flaws. Michael Novak, a Catholic theologian at the American Enterprise Institute, in his book,Will It Liberate?: Questions About Liberation Theology, questions whether "all the poor see reality in terms of class confrontation? Do they all wish to side with the extreme right or the extreme left? Do they see only two alternatives?" Like- wise, "to think of the poor as class is to ignore the individual dignity of each per- son among them. There is at least as much complexity, subtlety, and differenti- ation in the individual personalities of the poor as among any other social class." If one is to truly help the poor, one has to help make concrete change in the econ- omy that works. Thus, "it is not those who say 'The poor! The poor!' who will enter the Kingdom of Heaven, but those who actually put in place an economic system that helps the poor no longer to be poor." Novak also points out that "in the past, liberation theologians say, the Catholic Church was at fault for too easily baptizing the existing order. There remains the danger that one day a future generation will blame the liberation theologians for too easily baptizing the existing revolu- tionary project of the left." In conclusion, taking into account the state of churches in Central America, it seems reasonable and necessary that the chapel should be renovated to include free- dom for churches of any denomination throughout all of Central America. Thus, CDLA is pleased to announce that with the full support of the Michigan Daily the chapel will be changed to "reflect the real- ity of Central America." 0 0 Edited and managed by students at The University of Michigan Wasserman A -'Vol. XCVIII, No. 129 420 Maynard St. Ann Arbor, MI 48109 Sllz-NcAlmA K REMg~pY OF IRMtI PAP'ER, FUEL... AND P'nFICIU ItMBS FOR CRILDRGEN --i IN NO TIME Dt~wc9AcY tI Unsigned editorials represent a majority of the Daily's Editorial Board. All other cartoons, signed articles, and letters do not necessarily represent the opinion of the Daily. Improve public schools 01 LAST THURSDAY, Secretary of Education William Bennett suggested that Catholic schools should be reimbursed with government funds for educating "the worst" public school students. This proposal not only violates the principle of separation of church and state, but also demonstrates the abandonment of public schools by the Reagan administration. Bennett announced his plan at the National Catholic Education Asso- ciation's annual convention. Bennett told Catholic educators to "[s]eek out the poor, the disadvantaged, the disruptive, the dropout, and take them in, educated them, and then ask society for fair recompense for your efforts." "Project Voluntas," as Bennett dubbed his plan, sounds rational on the surface. Putting problematic and disadvantaged children in a n environment with smaller classes and more student-teacher contact makes sense. The suggestion that state govern- ments should pay a part of the tuition costs for student enrollment in Catholic schools blurs the fine line between church and state. By assigning a public responsibility - the education of American children - to a private, or a religious organization is a violation of the establishment clause of the first amendment. Bennett's plan crosses the line by proposing to spend public funds for students to receive a Catholic-oriented education. This is not a condemnation of Catholicism or Catholic schools; however, no matter how good their quality, the Catholic schools certainly have curriculums that integrate religious beliefs with conventional teaching. Another disturbing aspect of Ben- nett's plan is the apparent abandonment of the public schools by the Reagan administration. In statements regarding his plan, Bennett implies that public schools cannot handle problematic students, and that Catholic or other private schools are a better alternative. "The challenge is simple. Show educa- tors around this country what works," Bennett urged the association. As the country's most powerful education official, Bennett's relegation of public schools to second-class status is indicative of his lack of commitment to public education. Instead of using his influence to improve the quality, diversity and effectiveness of the public school systems in this country, he undermines them by constantly praising the private schools. Bennett has previously advocated proposals that would give tuition tax credits and tuition vouchers, which would provide tax breaks or direct assistance, to parents of private school children. In other words, give people back their tax dollars that go towards public schools because they don't use them. This entirely defeats the idea of public goods provided by the government. It would also weaken the public school systems in the states that adopt the Bennett proposals, because of decreased revenue and an exodus of students to the private schools. Secretary Bennett is in a tough situation. He is running a department that has been cut every year of the Reagan presidency. He has had to deal with the disappearance of financial aid to college students, and the shabby efforts of some states - whom he has no actual power over - with regards to primary and secondary public education. Despite these and other obstacles, he is a public official who should be committed to. the public good and public schools. It would be difficult to call William 'Bennett a public servant. Life ain't all jelly donuts and PBRs Watch it out there 'cuz it can happen to anyone. I was just acruisin' down the street the other night, two six packs of my favorite beverage, Pabst Blue Ribbon, tucked under my arm. Yeppers, I was feelin' right fine, ready to kick my feet onto a desk, pop open a brewski and relax after what was already one of the worst days of my livliehood. I walked by a gang of six or seven young fresh fellows and heard one of 'em yell out at me, "Yo, fat man, what up?" I stopped and says to 'em, "I don't know fella, what's up?" "We want some beer, man." "Well, go on and get yourself some then." "We can't, man." So, I figures these here good ol' boys, who weren't no older than 18, couldn't get served. Bein' the good natured of boy I am, I asked 'em, "you want me to pick y'all up a six?" But even as I queried, I noticed that somethin' funny was happenin' here - I was bein' surrounded. I tried to smooth my way on outta there, throwin' out a heh-heh-heh and sidlin' out right slow. But dangit they had me covered better than Sittin' Bull had Custer - ceptin' they were the bad guys this time 'round. "We want yawr beer, man!" one of them said as he grabbed at my bag and got in my face. I was afightin', pullin' on the bag and tellin' them to screw off when I got hit above my brow with a hefty haymaker that woulda made Jack Dempsey might proud. Another punk kicked out my legs and I was on my fat ass, still holdin' on to my beer. As I scrambled upward and on- ward, the foolishness of fightin' six guys SAL scuffle by the by - and some people act right shocked. "Al," they scream, "how in the name of ters with the opposite sex (contrary to popular opinion about sheep) as much as the next Joe- but little boy raping? Slave holding? I can never figure out why the fraternity system named themselves after the Greeks- why couldn't they call them- selves Borneans or something else instead of disgracing the likes of Socrates, Plato, and our "President to be" from the Demo- cratic party? I feel like throwing a Bud longneck at a frat house every time I see S 6 'Another punk kicked out my legs and I was on my fat ass, still holdin' on to my beer.' -Fat Al all that is holy and revered can you sup- port that dude?" "I like 'em, that's all." Then these dang fools will go on to tell me 'bout how Jesse ain't got no political experience, and they think he's right fine and all but he's a reverand not a politicin and bleh-bleh-bleh. Well, I'll tell y'all right clearly for the public to consume why I voted for the good reverend. It all goes back to my fa- vorite sayin'- "watch the donut and not the hole." All the other presidential types are keepin' their buggers fixed on the hole and the donuts done rolled away a long, long time ago. Yo, wake up and smell the empire crumblin'. Take a good hard looksee at the newspaper. Troops pullin' outta Honduras and headed for Panama to slap 'round the two bit greasey drug king the CIA boys propped up, the sleaziest, biggest ol' criminal in the country runnin' the justice departmwent, and on and on and on. Could Jackson do any worser? Greek letters on their doors, or those S.O.B. "What a week to be Greek" T shirts that all the "Biffs" and "Muffles" wear. They've never been Greek for a minute let alone a week. Al, keep up the good work, you're "pseudo Greek" pot shots are well backed up by more of us on campus than you can imagine. May a large rabbit cross the path of your car on the way to a family outing. (We Greeks call it "stuffato stew.") Sincerely, Nick the Greek Well, Nicky, firstly, thanks a heap for the 'preciation. Now, 'bout some of your other points. Dukakis is absodamnlutely not goin' to be the President. It 'taint causin' he's Greek but cause there ain't enuff caffeine in the whole danged country to get us through a Dukakis-Bush cam- paign. Hell, the League of Women Voters probably couldn't keep from noddin' off dnin' nn e ,thij-p ha r t e r7