4 OPINION Page 4 - Friday, December 4, 1987 The Michigan Daily Not enough qualified Black applicants Peer By Peter 0. Steiner The Daily editorial of December 1 calling for my apology accuses me of being "particularly offensive," utilizing a "racist argument" and engaging in "victim blaming rather than committing the University to address the real problem" of increasing representation of Blacks at our faculty. There are, I believe, three separable questions: 1) Has there been a decline in Black enrollment in colleges and Universities in recent years that is a cause of concern? The answer is yes. 2) If so, are there multiple causes - I emphasize the plural - and how do they interact? I believe the answer is yes, and that these interactions are important. 3) Is it offensive to explore the second questions and suggest possible causes? I am certain the answer is no. 1. The facts. In 1985 only 26 percent of Black high school graduates entered college, down from Peter Steiner is the Dean of the college of rSA. 34 percent in 1976. Blacks comprised only 4.2 percent of all students in graduate and professional schools in 1982, down from 5.1 percent six years earlier. The under- representation is particularly bleak in the physical sciences, and gets worse the higher the level of education studied. For example, Blacks received only 4 percent of Bachelor degrees in physical sciences, only 2 percent of Masters degrees, and only 1 percent of Ph.Ds. Ph.Ds constitute the group among which College and University faculty members are recruited. The College of LSA and the University ire addressing this real problem, and we are leeply concerned about it. Progress occurs painfully slowly, but it cannot become rapid on the national level until we increase the numbers of Blacks going from high school to college, from college to graduate school and from graduate school into the scholarly professions. 2. The causes. There is always room for differing hypotheses about causes. In my view there are many reasons why there are so few Blacks "in the pool" of available persons to hire in University faculties. These multiple reasons are interrelated, but surely include all of poverty, prejudice and absence of role models. Compounding the problems is the distressing national evidence that many qualified Blacks are not choosing to take advantage of the expanded educational opportunities that are available to them - whether in going from high school to college, from college to graduate school, or from graduate school into the scholarly professions. It is possible to argue that none of this is a matter of Blacks' attitudes, but is all a matter of discrimination and lack of effort on the part of the white establishment. I do not believe that to be true, and have seen no evidence to demonstrate it. Most serious observers believe that attitudes of individuals and of society play important roles. Let me hypothesize why that may be. A great deal of education has to be taken on faith by the potential student, for it takes trust in the educational system and the society to believe the investment of time, energy, emotion, and financial sacrifice will pay off someday. That trust must be gener- ated jointly by the efforts of the relevant institutions and by the influence of the family, community, and neighborhood. Absence of a supportive value structure has been known to be inhibiting for a long time, and I believe it is an important factor in the picture now. Why do we care about the causes? To solve a problem one must understand it. If there are five or ten contributing causes, we will wish to attack all five to ten. The statistical shrinkage of "the pool" has occurred despite increased affirmative action efforts and increased financial investments in minority student aid and recruiting. Along ,vith more of the same we must understand d attempt to deal with all barriers or inhibiting factors. It is not a matter of assigning blame, but of identifying where remedial efforts may pay off. 3. Is discussion of causes "offensive"? Offense occurs in the eyes of the beholder. In a University any hypothesis must be open for discussion, confirmation if it is valid, and refutation if it false. The implication that one should be apologetic for raising a relevant possibility, or expressing belief in its validity, is one I absolutely reject. Let me be explicit. I did not say that there were not many causes of underrepresentation of minorities on our faculty, nor that we at the University have done as much as we can do to increase Black participation. We are working actively on a number of fronts, and achieving some success, person by person. I did not say attitudes were the only, or most important deterrent to more rapid progress, but three are - in my view - clearly a contributing factor. To neglect such a possibility - to label it unspeakable - is to prevent the search for understanding that is concomitant to solving every social problem. I I Pursell should answer constituents or resign By Michael B. Fitzgibbon The tactics of Congressmember Carl Pursell for dealing with criticism of his Central American policy have changed little since he redbaited his opponent in the last election, and slandered protesters he said "decimated" his office. This time, he used an interview published by the Ann Arbor News ("Pursell won't take stand on Contra aid," 10/30/87) to spread more falsehood. During the interview, he reacted to criti- cism of his role in boosting U.S. business relationships with Honduras by declaring, "...I don't know what the people against in- vestment are for. Marxism? Socialism? I don't know." He was referring to a group demonstrating outside of the Campus Inn at the time of a meeting he helped arrange be- tween a Honduran trade delegation and area businesses (Ann Arbor News 10/21/87). Available outside, and distributed inside the meeting was a statement from the demon- strators directed to the Honduran delegation which began: "Welcome to Ann Arbor, a city which is proud 'of its various ties, both official and unofficial, with our sisters and brothers in Central America. We therefore applaud this initiative by the Ann Arbor Chamber of Commerce to acquaint area business people with opportunities for trade and commerce with Honduras and the city of San Pedro Sula." If Carl Pursell had read this would he have been able to claim the demonstrators were against investment? Marxist? Socialist? Ig- noring his constituents is not a new tactic for Pursell, either. Over three years ago he promised a public hearing on Central Amer- ica, a commitment he still refuses to honor. This ignorance seems to serve Pursell since Michael B. Fitzgibbon is a member of LASC and AMISTAD. he can then attribute to his critics motives which are untrue. I believe it also allowsi him t recognize and answer only to input on the issue he receives from the Party led by the Reagan administration.+ Turning the truth around may by another+ thing Pursell has learned from the Reaganl administration. In this same interview, he1 claims, "I've asked these critic groups in thei past for specific initiatives they think should; be taken for Central American.... But their only initiative is to get the U.S. out of Central America." Kim Groome of the In- terfaith Council for Peace, and the Coalition for Arms Control disputes this. She said, "There was a time we were ready to discuss specific points, but he (Pursell) wasn't interested." The whole context of this statement by Pursell is dubious, as well, The cessation of all Contra aid is an important tenet of one such specific initiative known as the "Arias Peace Plan." Though Pursell supports it in name, he will not take a stand on Contra aid. What good would it do to suggest to him an initiative like that proposed by Food First: The Institute for Food and Development Policy? Food First advocates the development of a society from the bottom up by allowing people the means to take care of their basic needs so they can begin leading more digni- fied lives. Those capable, and interested in becoming middle-class will develop from an egalitarian society. Food First is not a dole, nor is it an indi- rect strategy of investing in already overde- veloped sectors of a society with the hope they they might "trickle-down" some wealth to the majority of the people. There is a time and place for both tactics, but neither can be the focus of development. The latter "investment" strategy is what Pursell is boosting with the Caribbean Basin Initia- tive. It gives a benign facade while protect- ing the status quo. In brief, Food First would involve such practical changes as the redistribution of un- derutilized land, some substitution of domestically consumed products for exports, loans for small farmers, basic education, health care, etc. Essentially, it means focus- ing on the development of the people, in- stead of their resources. This is precisely what the present Nicaraguan government has tried to offer its people in spite of various forms of aggression mounted against it from the outside. The changes outlined above do not always come about with the willing participation of those in power. As a result, we see the struggles occurring within Guatemala, El Salvador, Honduras, and that between Nicaragua and the U.S. The people in this region are caught between poverty, and the cult of terror which, de facto, rules these countries. When the jaws close, violence erupts, people die, and always, the poor suf- fer. In implicating the U.S. government in this, I appeal to the authority of the follow- ing statement by David M. Shoup, Com- mandant U.S. Marine Corps 1960-63: "I believe that if we had and would keep out dirty, bloody dollar soaked fingers out of the business of these nations so full of de- pressed exploited people, they will arrive at a solution of their own...and if unfortunately their revolution must be of a violent type because the 'haves' refuse to share with the 'have-nots' by any peaceful method, at least what they get will be their own, and not the American style which they don't want and above all don't want crammed down their throats by Americans." Are these the words of someone against investment? A Marxist? A socialist? Per- haps, they are the words of experience and realism? While putting words in out mouth in the course of the interview in question, Pursell asks, rhetorically, what we are for, or what specific initiatives need to be taken. As a member of two local groups in solidarity, with the people of Central America, I would like to jump at this chance for public dia- logue with Representative Pursell, as slim as it may be. I suggest we are for Carl Pursell not saying, (he) "...continues to work for improving the lives of Central Americans...," while at the same time maintaining a record of support in Congress for aid to the Contras, and military aid to the oppressive regimes controlling El Salvador, Guatamala, and Honduras. The reminds me of the common sense ob- servation of Central American peasant I talked to last June in the northern Nicaraguan village of Las Colinas. His house, with those of 33 of his neighbors, had just been destroyed by the Contras. He said of the U.S., "They give us milk, and a knife in the back." I think he meant Pursell can keep his "investment," along with his Contra and military aid. The problem Pursell has with reality, in this instance, is not his charge that there are nationally organized strategies occurring in his district. The issue is national, and obvi- ously necessitates national organization. (Though, the implication is that he is being attacked by large alien interest groups.) The only thing remarkable about these national strategies is their lack of finance and person- nel, and that they were so long in coming. Pursell should know, if he does not al- ready, that almost all Central American ac- tions by local political groups were origi- nated, conducted, and financed locally, in- cluding the Campus Inn demonstration and the vigil at the Pursell office referred to in the Ann Arbor News article. National orga- nizing, when possible, is a positive at- tribute, and is never denied by any of these groups. Since, neither Pursell, nor his Ann Arbor office would mention a specific group guilty of this practice, I contacted SANE and Neighbor to Neighbor, two prominent local groups with national affiliations, and also working on the issue of Contra aid. The both stated that their canvassers are in- structed to say, immediately upon introduc- ing themselves, that they are part of a na- tional campaign. Furthermore, at the time they began organizing in the Second Dis- trict, they each notified the Pursell office of their purpose and nature. These groups do no tell people what to think, either. They try to provide informa- tion alternative to that coming from the Reagan administration which is trumpeted across the from page of every major U.S. media. Pursell must have very little respect for his constituents to believe that such an effort threatens their ability to decide for themselves what they will believe. What Pursell may be having difficulty ac- cepting is that the local groups which have organized around this issue for years are having success in bringing pressure to bear on him. His response is to falsely accuse them of something for which le may be the most culpable. That is, I doubt that he turned away money from national political action committees in -his last election wherein he outspent his opponents by four to one. So, who controls Pursell? I am sure it is not his constituents who poll sixty-five percent against Contra aid, while Pursell always votes for it. If Carl Pursell cannot deal squarely with his critics, if he cannot meet in public with his constituents, if he is unable to confront the moral issue of Central America, and if he cannot tell the simple truth, then he must LETTERS Edited ^nd managed by students at The University of Michigan 4 Administration breaks promises Vol. XCVIII, No. 60 420 Maynard St. Ann Arbor, MI 48109 Unsigned editorials represent a majority of the Daily's Editorial Board. All other cartoons, signed articles, and letters do not necessarily represent the opinion of the Daily. Faiwell vs. free speech THE SUPREME Court is currently hearing a case involving the Rev. Jerry Falwell's claim of emotional distress against controversial publisher Larry Flynt. While the case may seem an inconsequential battle of egos, the heart of the issue is a significant First Amendment question. The case stems from a parody of ads for Campari, an apertif, in Flynt's magazine Hustler. The ad insinuated that Falwell had incestuous relations with his mother. Underneath the mock ad, the magazine printed "Ad court decision to order a defendant to pay damages while finding that party innocent of libel. The case has evolved into not only a sometimes humorous clash o f ideologies, but an important discussion of satirists' versus public figures' rights. Although Hustler advances deplorably ignorant attitudes and the exploitation of women, and even Flynt admits that the satire was in "bad taste," the courts should continue to uphold First Amendment rights. If Falwell were to win this To the Daily: On 11/19/87 the Daily reported the latest figures on minority enrollment at U-M: Asians now constitute 5.6 percent of the student population and for the first time have surpassed Blacks as the largest minority group on campus. The University's 15 year-old promise of 10 percent Black enrollment has remained just that - a promise. Efforts to recruit Black students have remained weak and ineffectual. Recruitment of Hispanic and Native Americans has also fallen short and failed to produce significant increases in enrollment. The current situation belies t h e University's a 11 e g e d commitment to diversity. Although Asian enrollment is increasing, the Asian student population on campus is hardly representative of Asian- is a privilege of only the rich. Meanwhile, t h e administration has ignored the problems and needs of the increasing Asian student population. For years, students have lobbied for the creation of a Korean language program at the University and have been turned down. Efforts to start an Asian-American Studies department have met with similar resistance. Presently, the University offers only one course on Asian- American issues and has yet to hire a single permanent faculty member to teach such courses. There is not a single Asian- American counselor at the Counseling Services when there are over one thousand Asian-American students whose problems differ from their white peers'. The annual funding for Asian-American events at Minority Student Services remains $2000--a "overrepresented" on campus and the creation of limits on Asian admissions. It has been shown that schools such as Berkeley, Stanford, Brown and Princeton have instituted caps on Asian enrollment. The admissions board at Michigan must make sure it does not start to emulate other school's racist admissions policies. The model minority myth is also often used to encourage tension between Asians and other minorities; Asian- Americans' so-called success is used as "proof" that other minoritie's lack of success is their own doing and lot because of the society's racist bias. In reality, Asians, as people of color in predominantly white society, suffer from discrimination and racism along with other minority groups. Census figures show that, for the same level of education and other qualifications, Asian Americans earn between 15-50 percent less than whites. Asian enrollment should not be viewed as increasing at the expense of other minorities. The current enrollment figures for people of color do not change the fact that the University does not adequately serve the needs of either students of color or our communities. Representing the University of Michigan Asian Student Coalition -Raymond Lin Tieng Lim Jennifer Liu Elaine Ngai Joanna Su Kathy Yang Rubina Yeh December 1 I .i::::::.Y::::...:. ..::5Yii::i:: ::ii:;Y:YYg: :iY:V. ::; i:.:.i:i.i:..Y:i:V:.. . . . :.:.i:2Y:25 :Y:Y5/:YY:3i:Y : ... . . . . ..""".i.1 iYi " . ..... ..iii.,i" .ii ii, . ..."iii.,. .i" ii .i"ii "i"iii 0