OPINION " , Page 4 Tuesday, October 7, 1986 The Michigan Daily Edited and managed by students at The University of Michigan Vol. XCVII, No. 24 420 Maynard St. Ann Arbor, MI 48109 Unsigned editorials represent a majority of the Daily's Editorial Board All other cartoons, signed articles, and letters do not necessarily represent the opinion of the Daily. Weak sanctions Wasserman w6 GATV c IF WE GET DaNLOFF VEG6;T A~ PR~EELECTION SU~MIT rL \WE GET ' t -/ . 4 s 4A e THE SENATE'S vote to override President Reagan's veto of economic sanctions on South Africa makes a neces - sary-however belated-moral statement, at home and abroad. Deeper analysis of these sanctions, however, reveals their economic insignificance. Con - gress, in its rush to appease the public, disgregarded its op - portunity to impose effective sanctions and opted instead for only hollow measures. South African export of strategic minerals and U.S. corporate interests-a considerable portion of the South African economy--are allowed to continue. The danger now, is that these sanctions will be viewed by the public as the United State's fulfillment of all obligation to the plight of South African blacks - an assumption which is premature. Sanctions, having been debated by Congress and the public, are considered by some the most obvious and potent U.S. weapon.. against apartheid, but felt by others to be harmful to the welfare of South African blacks. The latter argument is a desperate attempt by the administration to disguise its aversion to economic sacrifice behind a mask of benevolence. Appropriately, Congress looked to the oppressed South Africans, instead of the administration. Many black leaders have long called for stronger U.S. action against the apartheid government, making a mockery of the administration's claim to have been acting in the interest of South African blacks. Congress's decision is a demonstration of government working to represent the will of the U.S. people. A final effort to uphold the president's veto was made by South Africa's Foreign Minister, Pik Botha, who called Farm Belt Senators-through the help of Senator Jesse Helms-and threatened a cut-off of grain purchases from the United States, if sanctions were implemented. This strategy served only to reinforce the convictions of many senators that there existed a need to protect the integrity of the United States government. Another ar - gument raised to dissuade legislators away from a vote for sanctions, was an appeal to Congress' "responsibility" to support the president in matters of foreign policy. For students, the government's action should serve as strong incentive to. increase pressure on the University administration. The legislature's decision to act decisively was the result of years of national protest and lobbying efforts. The struggle for divest - ment on campus can only end with determined effort by students and faculty to sustain pressure on the administration. The establishment and rededication of the shanty is essential to maintain awareness of apartheid, as are all forms of protest and education. It is important to remember that economic sanctions are only a weapon; they will not insure the elimination of apartheid. In this light, students must view their protests as significant. Despite the approval of sanctions, the South African regime, as well as the University administration could continue to turn a deaf ear. 1A ND IF OUR. MESTiN& 0 15 FRIENDLY AND RENSSURN&W You &(Il f. T~O VIE?A ROLCPN SENA1 TE Z I 'v (1' \ f, " U, Ic 1 1 R I 1 ^ ) i 1f if Expose of absurdity Allow me to introduce myself: I am Tim Huet, a new columnist for the Daily. I picked such a strange column name because I plan to have a strange column. I write mostly political satire. My schtick is finding the Laugh until you cry,... Tim Huet humor in South Africa, Central America, famines, Reagan's presidency, and other disasters. That's no easy task. Yet, I don't find political disasters and injustice funny at all. That is why I write political satire. The object of political satire is to strip injustice of its grandoise rationalizations and reveal it at its most pure-that is, at its most offensive and absurd. To quote Byron, "If I laugh at any mortal thing, it is so that I do not cry." There are some real difficulties in writing political satire. The first is that, sometimes, no matter how hard one tries, one cannot find humor in the world situation. The other is that, sometimes, your object of satire is so ridiculous that you cannot make it appear more absurd than it already does. I have been wrestling with the latter problem this week. I wanted to satirize the recent letters to tle Daily calling for demolition of the anti- apartheid shanty. Yet, after tremendous effort, I have come to the conclusion that those letters were so absurd that I could do nothing funnier than to quote them. And, believe me, I tried many ways to satirize them. The letters complained that the shanty was an "eyesore." So I thought I might write an article suggesting that we tear down that ugly shanty and build a really exquisite monument to monumental stupidity and moral complacency. After all, the shanty is supposed to be an eyesore; it's supposed to look like the ugly shantys that South African blacks have to live in. What did they expect the Free South Africa Coordinating Committee (FSACC) to build-a beautiful, post-modern, split-level ranch house?! Then I decided to write something about the amazing gall of someone, who has never made any noticeable contribution to the campus anti-apartheid 0 at large movement, complaining that it doesn't seem to be accomplishing anything. I was going to suggest that, since this person had so much anger to direct against the . shanty-a symbol of apartheid, maybe he should direct some anger against apartheid itself. A person'' who has the time and energy to criticize aesthetically unpleasing architecture probably has the time and energy to overcome the political stagnation he',r bemoans. Yet, that kind of hypocrisy and gall made me so mad I couldn't sit still,, much less write. When I read a charge in one of the letters that the shanty "is stirring up, emotions of anger and apathy," I knew I , was defeated. If I had written the letter myself as satire, I couldn't have come up ,, with something more absurd. The shanty was responsible for campus apathy?!!!!- And how can one "stir up the emotion of apathy?" Last time I looked it up, apathy meant the lack of emotion. Better yet; how can one stir up both "anger and, apathy?" Were half the people made angry and half the people apathetic?.. Maybe people were angry but didn't care. ' Perhaps people are apathetic and it's really making them mad. I couldn't participate,, in a battle of wits with an unarmed opponent. Research review THE GUIDELINES proposed by the ad-hoc committee appointed by President Shapiro to govern classified research at the University are unacceptable for a number of reasons, none more compelling than the omission of independent committees in the contract review process. Under the current guidelines, research projects which generate classified information or require the use of classified information must be reviewed by the three-person Classified Review Panel. Two faculty members and one student examine each project proposal and determine if any aspect of the contract violates the University's openness and publication guidelines for classified research. The panel also determines if the the project has any application harmful to human life, in which case it is forbidden by the guidelines. If a panel member thinks the guidelines would be violated by accepting a contract, the University's Research Policies Committee must review the project and make a recommendation to the Vice President for Research. The guidelines proposed last summer by a special committee would eliminate the Classified Review Panel and the review authority of the Research Policies Committee. Authority to decide if a project violates the guidelines would rest with the faculty member proposing the research, his or her unit or department head, and the their own ambiguities, however, which make this argument questionable. One clause of the proposed guidelines forbids restrictions on publication beyond one year of the end of the project's funding period "under all but extraordinary circumstances." It is unreasonable to suggest that individual researchers are objective enough aboutdtheir project proposals to determine what "extraordinary circumstances" are. Another proposed rule empowers a project sponsor to "include reasonable provisions" in a contract which allows the sponsor to review research results before publication. Again, an ambiguous term such as "reasonable" needs to be interpreted. University researchers and their sponsors do not enter into contracts that they believe have unreasonable provisions, but neither can they be expected to be objective about their own work. The special committee assures us that "the accessibility of contracts to public inspection, which our policy ensures, provides a further check on possible violations of the policy." While the policy of openness is laudable, the public inspection it boasts of is available only after the project has been accepted. Furthermore, the elimination of the committees from the review process also eliminates direct student input into the interpretation of research policy. Allowing LETTERS: x Separation of Church and To the Daily: I believe that the author of the October 1 editorial, "Re-quiring Respect," has some basic misconceptions about the American constitution and the legal rights it provides. Our country was founded upon, among other principles, the separation of church and state. The University of Michigan is a- state school; it should be completely detached from the religious community, and certainly should not be obliged to respect religious holidays. The faculty is obligated to respect only the students' constitutional rights, not their religious beliefs. Freedom of religious expression guarantees that anyone can worship as he/she pleases, but there is no surety that worship will not interfere with activities outside the realm of one's religious beliefs. Conflict arises when one must face the effects of brating Christmas or Easter. The fact that a similar event would never have been scheduled during a sacred Christian holiday indicates that our society caters to a Christian population. Neither the University nor any other public institution should respect any religious holiday if the separation of church and state is to be upheld. Un- fortunately, this is nearly imposs-ible realistically, for most insti- tutions in our country revolve around the majority, who consider themselves at least somewhat Christian. Vast numbers of people would request time off at Christ-mas and Easter, even if it con-flicted with work or school. This would render most schools, businesses, and services dramatic-ally underpopulated, and would cause many vital activities to be temporarily halted. The fact that most public instututions recognize Christian holidays is a defiance of our constitution, them to purely religious cele - brations re-stricted from public institutions. Requiring public institutions to respect the holidays of minority religions is a step towards this same breech of our constitution. On a practical level, consider the effects of mandatory recognition of every religious holiday known to man. I have little sympathy for the student who finds his religion conflicting with his education. At least a student choosing between religious expression and fulfilling school work can consider his/her priorities before making a de- cision. Often, students with health problems, personal crises, or work have no choice, and are forced to face conflicting test times, paper due dates, and hostility from the faculty. I agree completely with the author's observation that Christian holidays are State 1 widely rec-ognized by public institutions while the holidays of most relig-ious minority groups are generally ignored. V fundamentally oppose tie author's opinion that the Un: versity should recognize the. holidays of non-Christian relig- ions. The recognition of any relig-ious holiday obscures the. boundary between church and state which was initiated by, our constitution more than two centuries ago. No religion, including Christianity, shotld be able to affect the pubtii institutions of our country. Un-fortunately, the more basic law of majority rule undermines our right to live' free from religious ex-pressiq 4 Recognition of other religious, holidays would be a repeated mistake. . -Toshi Foster October J$ ' . { i