OPINION Page 4 Wednesday, February 12, 1986 The Michigan Daily ie dtdensaUn iyii Edited and managed by students at The University of Michigan Wasserman Vol. XCVI, No. 94 420 Maynard St. Ann Arbor, MI 48109 Unsigned editorials represent a majority of the Daily's Editorial Board A v A potent package RAPE is embedded in this society's culture. Recently, a White Plains, New York perfume company considered marketing a new perfume under the name "Rape." The fact is rape sells. The Rolling Stones and the Who, just to mention two legendary groups have songs where rape is part of the lyrics. In "Purple Rain," Prince beats his devoted girlfriend. Macho posturing, sexual fantasy, rape mythology and violence combine into a potent package. - Promoters and advertisers as a group are responsible for taking advantage of and perpetuating violent sexist traditions. For every step forward that women's liberation takes, some businessman somewhere is spen- ding a million dollars on a new promotional campaign that uses women only as sexual objects. There are two points of view on the culture of rape in the United States. One point of view holds that the state should outlaw por- nography, objectifying ads and rapist song lyrics. After all, there is little moral excuse for these phenomena and if after centuries of struggle for women's liberation they still exist, perhaps it is time to use force to stop practicing rape- culture promoters and intimidate would-be sexist exploiters. In contrast, a libertarian or anarchist point of view might hold that repression of the rape-culture is practically impossible and an evil in itself. The libertarians point out that Victorian morality is often behind the actions of anti-por- nography feminists. On the other hand, advertisers and promoters hide behind "liber- ty" in order to sell women's bodies - whether it be in ads, lyrics or perfume names. Clearly, liberty only means the liberty to exploit women to the New York company that considered "Rape" for a per- fume name. State repression is never a good thing in its own right. However, it is also an evil to tolerate the power to promote violence against women. The mobilization against "Rape" perfume is a model that deserves replication. When a woman attor- ney heard about the perfume com- pany's name, she informed the New York chapter of NOW (National Organization for Women). NOW made a few phone- calls and the perfume company, admitting the impact of public pressure, withdrew its name idea for its new perfume. Libertarians have a special responsibility to mobilize people to oppose sexism that hides behind the freedom of the marketplace and freedom of speech. Only this kind of militant political mobilization against sexism can avert a growing call for the state to ban sexist culture. ON.Y A.K ~IS5N6ER, t&ovFENoR of NE~W YORK - Iu -A WA~Y IT SOUNDS qEONLY PoV1..ErAtSTNAkI I'D 1 MS ~To CET E .CGTEP 4, T K %smToN (5 VIS OFC 1S FbTMNTAPLLy POWERFUL K IOC-, WD -NC- j OF-Fla ff. 'f I f * *5 I I I ""o-" IT Wou LD C1IL £r: o MUCH - V . 1, SIN VIPR, Ii 4 Union struggle still. relevant Racial health gap By Eban Goodstein Bruce Springsteen has been in the news lately, doing benefits for union workers fighting plant shutdowns. Springsteen, raised in the industrial heartland of New Jersey, has been sending the old message that workers need to join together to fight for better wages and working conditions. But Springsteen seems to be singing against a current of public apathy - if not hostility - towards unionism that has been growing stronger over the past few years. This has something to do with Reagan's union-busting administration, but in a large measure may be due to the success of unions themselves in winning decent wages and working conditions for a broad spectrum of Americans. The old conservative arguments against unions - that they are all corrupt, that they are bad for productivity - in addition to being without basis are also increasingly irrelevant. The feeling today is that unions have simply outlived their usefulness. A common perception seems to be that while unions have been necessary back in the '30's, times have changed. With minimum wage and safety laws, it's harder to "ex- ploit" workers today. And if it is hard to see a need for unions - if no one's getting ex- ploited - it is also harder to sympathize with their struggles. The recent Hormel strike in Minnesota - where the National Guard was just called in to open the plant - is a good example. The meat workers were offered $10 an hour. Many people argue they should be glad to work for such a "good" wage. Have unions outlived their usefulness? Are workers still exploited today? To an- Goodstein is a graduate student in economics and a member of the Democratic Socialists of America. swer these two questions, it's worth thinking about why union organizing was legally en- couraged in the 1930's. Unions were seen as a way of equalizing the power of workers and employers. In times of unemployment, employers could find other workers easier than a worker could find another job. Thus the worker had little real power to turn down and offer. Furthermore, once hired a lone worker had no protection from ar- bitrary discipline or unsafe work assign- ments. Unions provided a "countervailing power" to prevent the exploitaiton of the workers' relative weakness both in the marketplace and on the job. Into the 1950's unions grew rapidly, reaching a membership peak of over a third of the workforce in 1956. They provided a solid boost to the growth of a prosperous middle class, narrowing the wage gap bet- ween blue and white collar workers. Unions also supported the minimum wage and worker protection legislation of the '60's and early '70's, which provided benfits for all workers, union and non-union. At the same time, however, union mem- bership began a steady decline, until in 1984 barely a fifth of the workforce in the country was organized. In reality this decline can be attributed to increased union-busting by management, recently aided by gover- nment, and to decreased organizing efforts by the unions themselves. But many people view the decline as symptomatic of the "irrelevance" of unions in today's America. The struggle has already been won. Exploitation is no longer a reality. A moment's reflection should convince you that this is not true. A lone worker is stil hard pressed to "bargain" for higher wages, and is still liable to be fired for ob- jecting to working conditions. Full-time work at minimum wage will not keep a family out of poverty, and government health and safety regulations mean little to the average worker. The conditions for ex- ploitation - the power of employers to dic- tate wages and working conditions within a broad range - remain just as real now as 50 years ago. On a personal level, most of us have ex- perienced unjust treatment at the hands of work supervisors. As young people, or tem- porary employees, such behavior was en- dured, or else we quit - the costs were not high. For many people though, the options are not so broad. The costs of quitting are much higher. Which brings us back to the Hormel case. With only $0.69 separating the management's wage proposal from the union's, non-economic issues have been fueling the strike. A 20 percent line speed- up, high injury rates, two-tier wages, and previous wage and previous benefit cuts of over 23 percent are what the workers and their union are objecting to. At the same time, Hormel just announced record profits - up 30 percent from last year, when it was already the industry leader. Hormel Chairman Richard Knowlton saw his take home pay rise form $231,000 to $570,000. While at the same time their labor con- tributes to record profits their wages and working conditions deteriorate, workers have two options: they can quit, or fight for just treatment. As Hormel worker Dan Erikson, whose extended family has over 250 years of work in the meat plant, put it: "We don't like what we're doing. But when you're pushed in a corner, you've got to do what you've got to do. I just want to be proud enough to walk back into that plant." Equalizing power is what unions are good for. Without a union, workers like Erikson are as powerless today as they were in the 1930's. With a union, they at least have a fighting chance to address injustices at the workplace. Springsteen recently told em- ployees facing a shutdown, "It's their money, it's their plant, but it's your jobs". His statement underlines the fact that the union struggle is as relevant today as it ever was. b a f 1 M . a a R t Y M F r a z .a r a W HITE domination of Blacks through American in- : stitutions is a life and death question. The Reagan ad- ministration's Task Force on Black and Minority Health has prepared statistics that compare Black and rwhite mortality rates for all causes. The statistics show that if Blacks enjoyed health care as good as that of whites, Blacks would suf- fer 58,942 fewer deaths per year. The leading cause of what is called "excess death of American Blacks" is heart disease and stroke, which accounts for over 18,000 of the "excess deaths" per year. Homocide and accidents, cancer, infant mortality, cirrhosis and diabetes are the next major causes of "excess deaths" for Blacks. Another 11,552 per year result from 'all other causes.'' As in the case of the upward trend in infant mortality nationally, one can not argue about the cases of individuals when it comes to "excess death" statistics. No individual white or individual Black can understand the health conditions of their respective groups just by reflecting on per- sonal experience. Most individual whites do not consciously try to obtain health care advantages over the Blacks they know. Usually, people want their friends and neighbors to have the same health treatment they en- joy. Statistics are always impersonal and often alienating. Blacks have meaning of such statistics. Affirmative action is similarly hard to grasp sometimes. The notion of equal opportunity bet- ween individuals seems violated by affirmative action's preferential treatment of minorities as groups. The individual white college or graduate school applicant does not think of himself as having unfair advantages over Black applicants. Hence, it is difficult to understand why Blacks should receive preferential treatment, all else being equal. In fact though, the individual white American benefits as a member of a race that has enjoyed 400 years of advantages over Blacks. The white individual him- self did not cheat any Blacks. Rather, the institutions of slavery, Jim Crow and socialgclass ex- ploited Blacks as a group. The higher mortality of Blacks is proof of the continued existence of the effects of racist institutions. According to Off Our Backs, a feminist journal, Reagan ad- ministration official Margaret Heckler explained the Black/white health gap as caused by "knowledge" and "lifestyle" dif- ferences. Heckler implies that Blacks as a group have less knowledge about health issues and a more unhealthy lifestyle than whites. It is a small step from this "blame-the-victim" view to an in- dividualistic view of the racial dif- ference. What Heckler and other apologists of institutional violence LETTERS:4 No concrete definition of To the Daily: "The right to choose". The very phrase seems to embody all that America stands for. Ob- viously, nothing could be more basic than a woman's right to choose what happens to her own body. Maybe. Maybe not. It all sounds so good, but ac- tually the claims of the pro- choice movement do not hold up under close examination. For in- stance, do we really have the right to our own bodies? Legally, in most instances, we do. But who among us would casually allow someone to commit suicide because he has a right to choose what hapnens to his body? I have to be to qualify? Yet we already have legislation against murder, even without a clear definition. We give each other the benefit of the doubt. What makes the fetus so different? Some say that since we can't legally define the fetus as human, each woman should decide for herself if the fetus is human or not. Now, that's a frightening line of thought. Remember when whites believed they were "more human" than blacks? Or when men considered themselves superior to women? We're still fighting those battles. On what basis? Isn't it because we believe that women and blacks are equal leaky. On the other hand, what does the pro-life movement believe? Does it believe that women do not have a right to their bodies? No, they simply point out that a person's right to live supercedes a woman's right over her body, just as we value the woman's right to equality over the man's opinion of chauvinism. They believe children are human and valuable, whetherhor not they are planned and wanted (the pro- life criteria for a valuable life), just as they value every person's life, even after he no longer values it himself. The pro-life movement is not 'human'0 they do not exist in a vacuum. We are free to excercise our rights only if they do not interfere with the fundamental rights of others. When one person's right inter- feres with another's, we cannot grant the rights to those who can shout the loudest. Otherwise, ou rights will no longer be inalienable, but granted to the highest bidder. I believe that time will show that the pro-choice movement is founded on flawed logic and selfish arguments. Further- more, as technology improves, pre-mature babies will be saved at earlier stages of developments i