0 OPINION Page 4 Tuesday, January 28, 1986 The Michigan Daily 0 0i'e Ahcbtgan 1ailu Edited and managed by students at The University of Michigan Student fights against code I Vol. XCVI, No. 83 420 Maynard St. Ann Arbor, MI 48109 Editorials represent a majority opinion of the Daily's Editorial Board Shameful Statistics IGURES JUST released by the Children's Defense Fund show that the United States has gained a distinction shared also by the Soviet Union amongst the in- dustrialized nations - a rising in- fant mortality rate. Between 1982 and 1983, the mortality rate for infants between one month and one year of age increased by three per- cent. (Detroit Free Press, January 17). When the Soviet Union last released its infant mortality figures, the West seemed scan- dalized. U.S. government publications decried the failure of the health care system under Soviet oppression. Infant mortality figures are in- ternationally recognized as some objective indicator of the well- being of a country. Statistics that consider all births and arrive at a rate of infant mortality per thousand births control for in- dividual parental problems and various accidents. It is impossible to argue with an infant mortality statistic where such a statistic is collected so carefully as in the United States. One can not blame individual parents, doctors or the state of technology if the infant ortality of an entire nation is up. Infant mortality reflects primarily the state of nutrition and iontrol of infectious diseases in inost countries. Often large infant Mortality figures make sense in a gattern of hunger and disease. f Black infant mortality in Cleveland, Detroit and Chicago is Subtle s( he establishment of Martin Luther King's birthday as a ivtional holiday was a significant riumph in itself; but here at the Jniversity it was only a partial vic- fery. Though civil rights legislation ef the 1960s brought concrete bhanges, many of the same roblems still exist. Racism may seem diluted these Rays, but last week's Unity march with low white turnout is indicative if the larger reality of campus segregation. The majority of students are unaware that imiinorities at the Unviersity must e'oss tremendous barriers to feel comfortable and accepted in an in- sensitive environment. :Students fail to internalize Issue by examining their own con- tribution to a minority student's feelings of isolation. Groups on kampus are insufficient to meet the heeds of a diverse minority com- Inunity, and the necessity of the over 25 per 1000, a figure that is not flattering in comparison with some Latin American countries. Indeed, Jamaica and Cuba have better in- fant mortality rates. Non-white infant mortality led the way up in the United States, where the gap between white and black infant mortality is at its highest in 40 years. That infant mortality is so affected by race un- derscores the fact that infant mor- tality is affected primarily by in- stitutional forces that regulate the distribution of health care services between rich and poor, black and white and male and female. The Right-to-life Movement has popularized the notion that abor- tion is murder. In contrast, in the case where life has already started it is not hyperbole to speak of the institutional violence reflected in a rising infant mortality rate. At- tacks on social programs including neo-natal care and basic nutrition in a country where hunger sup- posedly does not exist are not usually considered murder, unfor- tunately. Indeed, the violence is not pre-meditated in each case. In- stitutional violence is much more insidious in that it occurs in the shadows of Congressional budgetary debates, the offices of administrators and the boar- drooms where major economic decisions are made. No individual is responsible and no smoking gun will appear amongst the biggest causes of death in the United States. Rather, mass violence oc- curs as a result of institutions too often taken for granted. By Joseph Kraus A little while ago, Sports Illustrated ran a story describing Mike Tyson as the next great heavyweight boxer. I'm afraid, in so doing, that they've overlooked a boxer closer to home; one who could put fear into any Rocky.- That boxer's name is the Administrator- which sounds more like a pro wrestler than a boxer - but believe me he's no joke. I've been fighting the Administrator for some time now for the local championship known as "the code," and even though I've thrown everything I've got at him, I'm not sure it's been enough. I knew I was in trouble at the opening bell. The ring announcer called out, "In this cor- nah, the master of disaster, the phantom target, the iron fist, undefeated since 1971 and still lookin' good...the Administrator. He paused, looked again at his cue card, and said, "And over here we got a student." But I was cocky. This code thing was un- fair, anybody could see that. It wasn't a complex moral issue like military research on campus or recruitment and retention of minority students, this was a balls out con-* frontation between justice and expediency. The first round was basic boxing. The Administrator punched and I counter-pun- ched: "You need a code so you won't go around burning down buildings," the Administrator lead with his right. "But I didn't burn any buildings down. The guy who did went to jail for it," I said, dodging the blow with an easy move. "Then you need a code so that students can know what their responsibilities and rights are in the University community," he jabbed. "Why do we need new rules to do that?" I came in with my left, "Couldn't we as easily collate existing governance, and by treating students as adults, anticipate that they will act responsibly charging them in civil court when they don't?" Kraus is the outgoing Opinion page editor. "The current rules of the University Community are unenforcable," the Ad- ministrator lunged back. "When have they been unenforcable?" I jabbed back, stalling for a quick moment. But he looked shaken by the jab, and didn't answer. "You need a code to protect women on campus," he came back with an awkward swing. I blocked it easily. "A code won't protect women. You'll still have to take fundamen- tal precautions such as ensuring sufficient lighting on campus, offering educational programs, extending Nite-Owl service, and establishing a rape crisis center." He looked stunned and tired. I figured I'd try to close in and finish him off. But the bell sounded to end the round. Between rounds I watched him in his cor- ner. He looked lifeless as his managers crowded around him, one jabbing in the air as he described the fight, the other slapping him lightly on the cheeks. I was feeling good. The bell rang for the second, and im- mediately I noticed he's changed his stance. "Tell you what," he came at me, "We won't touch fraternities, sororities, or co- ops." "But they'll still be affected by the code as students who live in the University com- munity," I countered. "Then we'll make if affect faculty and staff as well," he came again. "But since they only work here, while we live and work here, they will necessarily be less affected by it," I feinted to my right. "Then we'll allow you to be judged by a jury of your peers," he jabbed. "But how can I be judged by my peers if the jury process affects only a small num- ber of charges and if the jury is a hand chosen by administrators?" I stepped aside and he sprawled past me. I settled into my stance, this time I was going for the jugular...but the bell rang. I came out swinging in the third. "All of the evidence indicates the vast- majority of students are opposed to the code," I got him on the jaw. "The code opens students up to prosecution both by University and civil courts. That's against the spirit of the Con- stitution's double jeopardy clause," I landed a body blow. "The U.S. legal system ought to be protec- tion enough for the University community, I hit him with my right. "And in rare instances, you could obtain court orders to keep dangerous students off campus," I hit him with the left to finish off a solid combination. I was sure I had him now, I figured it would take just one more good hit. "Look, over there," he pointed with his glove. "It's the University Council. We'll appoint them and let them decide what kind of a code you'll have." I turned, the mark of a rookie. "We'll suspend by-law 7.02 and pass the code without MSA approval," he landed one below my belt. I doubled over. "We'll separate the judicial process from the legal system, dividing opposition to the code and skirting regental laws," he landed a crushing uppercut. My bloody mouthpiece fell to the canvas. "We'll submit an interim code to the regents since the University Council is taking too long," he nailed me with a left hook. I couldn't move. I saw him readying his haymaker punch. "We make the rules around here. It doesn't matter what you think. We have the right to discipline students if we want to." But just then the bell rang. Invoking a time limit peculiar to the Ann Arbor Boxing Authority, we agreed to finish the match later. (You may be familiar with the law, it's the same one that limits student input at regents meetings to five minute slots and insures that no meeting of the Board for Student Publications will last a moment longer than two hours.) To be honest, I'm worried about my chan- ces. After the first couple of rounds the bookies started to give me decent odds, but they're back down now. I'm not sure how to defend myself from here. I might try to make the University Council maneuver work for myself, or I might go back to the jabs that seemed to work for a while. But I do know one thing: I'm going to keep an eye out for low blows. 6 .. s.. -- ,.... -..... "...- ti..- = LUKE 011 /AN~HAVIRO Rh~3~ThE FARCE : UKEsMSI UlTfi 6 paratism better support system must be ad- dressed. People are comfortable with people like themselves. That gives the majority an incredible advantage, and with it, the respon- sibility of making an effort to un- derstand the minority perspective. The existence of an all black Greek system, minority social and cultural groups, and other support structures are often used by the majority to maintain their illusions; that bridging racial divisions is not their concern, and is probably beyond their control. They feel indigant for being ex- cluded. Yet every day, minority students have to deal with the sub- tle separatism that excludes them in dorms, classrooms, and clubs around town. Students must take the initiative to reach out and recognize that if they are not a part of the solution, then they must be a part of the problem. ,# , l , , ~ , . '+' i . , C r t "' a 'I k } . ,, ., , ; , . , ____.. r / 0 LETTERS: King' message was spiritual .M a........1.-1,............MINN.......Ml...a,...,MEN....MINIM.. .. To the Daily: In the article "King's b-day ob- servances vary" (1/17/86), a Councilman from the town of Selma, Alabama, where Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., led voting rights protests in 1955, is quoted as saying, "Dr. King was to America what Jesus was to a sinner, and that was a savior." Perhaps this is a rather homely way of putting it, but this coun- cilman was perceiving a connec- tion, or a reflection, which seems who suffered from bigotry and oppression. But let us not forget the source of his vision, nor the true object of his service. Let us not forget that the Rev. Martin Luther King, Jr. was a man of faith, faith in God. His vision of freedom, healing, and peace was the vision of the kingdom of God, proclaimed and exemplified in the person of Jesus Christ, to whom King's life was ultimately dedicated. King's "service to humanity" was most Without doubt, King and the black Americans for whom he spoke experienced the prejudice, hatred, and cruelty we must con- fess are, and always have been, horrifyingly commonplace among humans. King could hope for a better day only because he placed his confidence in God, who works through men and women to heal and reconcile. It is only through God that we can reach for that nobility we are so eager to grant ourselves. honored as greater than his own. -Debra Shreve January 21. Correction Yesterday's article "Israel sets own parameters" was printed incorrectly. The sixth paragraph should have read: We question the legitimacy of criticism regarding Israel and A As the Daily celebrates its ninety seventh year of editorial freedom, the Opinion page is looking for enthusiastic, politically diverse