4 OPINION Page 4 Tuesday, October 1,1985 The Michigan Daily 4 Eita 3n dbsan aitfi Edited and managed by students cot The University of Michigan Detente: A new beginning? Vol. XCVI, No. 19 420 Maynard St. Ann Arbor, MI 48109 Editorials represent a majority opinion of the Daily's Editorial Board A better way I N ONE OF the starkest repudiations yet of the Sullivan Principles and even of apartheid itself, 91 South African business leaders took out full page advertisements in several newspapers calling upon the government of Prime Minister Pieter Botha to end its system of legalized racism. The businessmen, some representing South African firms and others the South African sub- sidiaries of international cor- porations such as General Motors and Mobil Oil, have spoken out against apartheid in the past, but never so directly and publicly. For several years, many of them have upheld the Sullivan Prin- ciples which declare that there will be no discrimination within the workplace on the basis of race. Those Principles have no effect outside the workplace, however. More recently, a group of the businessmen met in Zambia with leaders of the outlawed African National Congress. Botha's gover- nment has thus far frowned upon any negotiations with the A.N.C. and continues to imprison its acknowledged leader, Nelson Mandela. Specifically the businessmen called for an end to the current "state of emergency" status which empowers South African policemen to arrest and detain "suspects" without trial; freedom for Mandela and negotiations with the A.N.C.; and full citizenship rights to all races. It will be some time before the advertisements' impact is ap- parent, but they are certain to put even greater pressure on Botha's government to bring about refor- ms. With domestic violence on the increase and foreign pressure mounting, the government has ap- peared to be on the brink of major concessions several times, but in each instance has introduced only mild reforms. In recent months the gover- nment moved to permit interracial marriages, and has publicly con- sidered doing away with the "pass laws" which prohibit blacks from entering white zones without the proper credentials. Nevertheless, the government has yet to touch on the substantial issues of citizenship and suffrage. Unless the government moves soon toward substantial reform, South Africa is destined for a prolonged racial bloodbath. The advertisements' headline articulates the slim hope that timely reform holds; it reads "There is a better way." The more pressure brought to bear on the South African gover- nment - be it from businessmen, public universities, or the United States government - the more likely that "better way" will materialize. By Jonathan Corn and Walter White "Look Mr. President, we have brought you sunshine," said Soviet Foreign Minister Eduard A. Shevardnadze to President Reagan following their meeting in the Oval Office last week. Shevardnadze wasn't just referring to the clearing of hurricane Gloria from Washington's skies, he was talking about a promising new Soviet offer to reduce by one- half. both U.S. and Soviet offensive nuclear arms. This turnaround was a bold step that is beginning to characterize Mikhail Gor- bachev's brand of Soviet foreign policy. Now, if the U.S. could match this recon- ciliation, the two countries could be shaking hands with a new detente. However, there seems to be controversy over how effective a new detente could actually be. History has shown that Nixon's detente (detente I) only led to the eventual worsening of U.S.-Soviet relations. So why should a detente II accom- plish anything that a detente I failed to do? Soviet-American relations since World War II have been, to say the least, antagonistic. The period from 1945 to 1969 was certainly a "Cold War." It was an era of tension, charac- terized by intense superpower competition, frequent confrontation and the virtual absen- ce of cooperative activities. Political Science Professor Alexander Yanov terms the Cold War period "an era of peace on the brink of war."~ The causes of the Cold War are complex.. However, two frequently top the list. First is the immense contrast between the Soviet ideology and that of the capitalist world. Second this contrast brings with it an inherent collision of interests. Whatever the reasons, both nations suffered as a result of Corn and White are seniors in LSA. They are regular contributors to the opinion page. these relations. By the late 1960s, both the United States and the Soviet Union felt the time was ripe to lessen tensions. Both sides saw an oppor- tunity to make positive gains. Moreover, both sides saw an opportunity, or even a necessity, to limit strategic arms. Thus, the United States, under Leonid Brezhnev bred an era of detente. Detente, which is the French word for relaxations, seemed at first to mark a new op- timism. It had potential to limit the arms race and increase mutual trade. The first real progress was reflected in the 1972 SALT I agreements, which some say in- stitutionalized detente. IA whereby new friends solemnly swore to end the contest." The contest wasn't over. Soviet-American relations deteriorated right through the seventies, and into the eighties. And although detente wasn't completely dead, the era came to be re-termed Cold Peace. It was marked by continued suspicions, a heightened mistrust and an escalated arms race. Now, 15 years after detente was first in- troduced to the international political arena, the only things that have changed are the names of the leaders. There is still an immense difference between the two countries ideologies and there are still many collisions of interest. However, many times political change comes as a result of personality. And in this department both countries are not lacking. Moreover, this 15 year period has brought about the prospect of an unending arms race which will even expand to outer space. For- tunately, both sides see the immense danger involved with this and are now apparently willing to bring about an end to this awesome nuclear buildup. Thus, what is needed is a new era to be for- mulated by the leaders of both nations. An era that will be warmer, longer lasting and more sincere than that of dentente I. President Reagan said last week, "What we are engaged in is a long-term peace process to solve problems which are solvable, bridge differences where they can be bridged, and recognize those areas where there are no realistic solutions and where they are lacking, managing our differences in a way that protects Western freedoms and preser- ves the peace." The sun came out over the White House last week as hurricane Gloria made her way up the coast. Not only did the weather clear, but so did a new mood between the Soviet Union and the United States. Hopefully, this clearing will continue and eventually bring about a new era of detente. What's more, it will be interesting to see the! weather forecast for Geneva in November. 1.4 Despite SALT I, detente was flawed from the beginning. Each side was too quick to see the benefits, but not the costs. For Washington, dentente was thought to be a replacement for containment. But the post'- 1972 communist conversions of several Third World countries altered the U.S. mood. On the other hand, Moscow viewed detente as a formal recognition of its superpower status. It hoped that this acceptance of parity would promote trade, especially where high- technology items and grain was concerned. However, a cool reaction from Washington and U.S. activities in the middle east lessened their enthusiasm for detente. As one analyst said, "Detente became the art -of trade-offs between competitors, not an arrangement Chassy ;. A i' PC T v Dox1c ' . " w,,,rw; . Two wrongs... ,;rr, 1 F U 'U +' U NIVERSITY President Harold Shapiro's press release issued following the Sep- tember 20 Board of Regents resolution encouraging "scholars who wish to participate in Strategic Defense Initiative research" seems an unfortunate attempt to whitewash the intensely controver- sial issues of academic freedom and moral restraint. Shapiro's statement that "(the University's)...long established and continuing position is that such decisions (undertaking specific research projects) are within the province of individual faculty members so long as institutional policies are observed" offers little in the way of clarifying an ad- ministrative, student body, or faculty concensus regarding SDI research on campus. This week's issue of the Univer- sity Record features a brief dialogue with Shapiro designed to "clarify(ing) the University's position on this issue." "Univer- sity," here, rather narrowly defined to mean the Regents. Perhaps most disturbing is Shapiro's inattention to the intense and highly organized opposition to SDI work coming from various faculty and student groups on campus - individuals affiliated with the University he represents - as he makes a public statement on behalf of the University. When the Regents neglected to consult with students or faculty prior to passing their resolution, they were denying the academic community's voice; for Shapiro to "reaffirm" the Regental statement only compounds the violation. At present, over 30 faculty mem- bers have signed petitions being circulated in opposition to SDI research on campus, and student opposition has been evidenced in protests, editorial statements and most impressively with the organization of a national forum of Campuses Against Weapons in Space to be held here next weekend. Shapiro says he hopes "discussion and evaluation by faculty and students who oppose the controversial military research will impact the community," but his commitment to honoring such input is questionable when already he has silenced the opposition by publicly "reaffirming" the regen- tal resolution. r-4mmmm 27/71"" . 5T"ID 11INIMY WAY, ' 5RThtN R.DAMN f ,;r , f ThAi G 3UOW ( 1 LH .I _ ..r. Nor u [i. .lIEaJJ. tl 1 Il, J11i y{l ilt - -114dO 4 l -- - - --CI.W / /i - ' "^r LETTERS Regent's c To the Daily: At the September 20th Regents meeting, a situation arose which promptedaNeil Neilsen to make a few very revealing remarks, as far as those of us who have been questioning the reasoning behind a code are concerned. A number of students concer- ned over a previous day's regen- tal proposal to encourage S.D.I. research had waited for hours to discuss the proposal. To the dismay of these students, the proposal was quickly passed with no discussion. In response, several students interrupted the meeting and voiced their disap- proval of the unorthodox process. At this point, Regent Neilsen ad- dressed President Shapiro, urging him to pass a code of omments hint at Clde motive 4 munity." Just why does the ad- ministration want a code? It is evident that the question which students have repeatedly asked, namely why do we need a code, is one which the ad- ministration has difficulty an- swering. Neilsen's remarks seem to validate the argument many students have brought against the code. The argument is that the administration is chiefly con- cerned with controlling student dissent. Concern for campus safety may thus be a secondary reason for the code at best, but one which the administration uses in order to garner some kind of student support. In sum, Regent Neilsen's comments could not be ignored or taken too lightly. If the ad- ministration is truly dedicated to working with the students on a code, perhaps a starting point would be anthonest and consistent answer to the question "Why Code?" -Ed Kraus September 25 Kraus is chairman of the Michigan Student Assembly's Student Rights Committee. Letters to the Daily should by typed, triple- spaced, and signed by the individual authors. Names will be withheld only in unusual circum- stances. Letters may be edited for clarity, gram- mar, and spelling. We encourage our readers to use this space to discuss and respond to issues of their concern. Whether those topics Ri.tV C Pfl[ ThTY bw UBerke Rw.ethed 1