... OPINION Page 4 Thursday, December 3, 1981 The Michigan Daily d, y ',.' i Times By David Duboff The following is the second in a two-part series that looks at student apathy and ac- :tivism from two different perspectives. Many people feel that the cataclysmic movement of the 1960s is dead, but the fact of the matter is that this just isn't true-it's just that we don't hear about it. For one thing, the media hasn't been covering what the Left, the progressive movement and the peace movement have been doing, as they did in the 60s. For another, people oriented toward social Change have been keeping a low profile, working away silently in the communities and the workplaces across this country. On October 14 an event took place here on campus that was not reported in the Daily. It was an exciting and stimulating event that I have taken it upon myself to write this article. THE EVENT WAS a talk at the Residential College by three people who were active in Students for a Democratic Society in the 1960s. SDS was the largest student organization in the history of the country, with a membership of 100,000 at its height. Two of the speakers, Richie Feldman and Bill Ayers, were active in SDS here in Ann Ar- bor. The third speaker, Bernadine Dohrn, was a national leader of SDS who went on to become, along with Bill Ayers, a leader of the Weathermen, who went underground to engage in acts of sabotage like the bombing of the Pen- tagon in the early 1970s at the height of the war in Indochina. Two-hundred-fifty people jammed into an East Quad lecture room to hear the three veteran activists, and 250 more had to be tur- ned away, for lack of room. Some who couldn't gain entry stood outside, hoping to hear what was said. Those inside engaged in a spirited give and take with the speakers. ALL THREE HAD come a long way since the 60s. Ayers and Dohrn, who now have two children, "surfaced" last year after ten years underground. They now live and work in New York City where Ayers teaches in a day care center. Dohrn is a waitress and teaches a cour- change se in Women and Law at New Haven Com- munity College. In the early 70s, Feldman left Ann Arbor for Detroit and began working in a factory. To his credit, he is still working there today. He now belongs to the National Organization for an American Revolution, which grew out of an all-black organization in Detroit called The Advocators. Feldman, who spoke first, talked about the need to develop a vision of the future rooted in the American experience, and described mistakes that were made during the 60s when people were too much into imitating what had happened in other countries that had gone through successful revolutionary struggles. AYERS AND DOHRN provided a different perspective. They talked about the importance of action and militancy as a way of raising people's consciousness of the need for struggle to change social conditions Ayers described the sense of moral outrage people felt during the period of the Civil Rights movement and, later, the war in Indochina, when there was intense repression of blacks and other people of color in this country. They also pointed out the impor- tance of political prisoners to the struggle. A central theme of both Ayers' and Dohrn's presentations was the need to look outward to the Third World for lea'dership. As support for this thesis, they returned repeatedly to the theme that ten countries have "liberated" themselves from American imperialism. Feldman pointed out that they seem to be talking very much as they had in the late 60s, and he urged the audience to think of revolution in terms of American society and American history. THE SIGNIFICANCE of this event lies in the fact that the panelists and the audience were questioning the motives, values, and beliefs that underlay people's actions during the 60s. It became clear, during the discussion, that many people who thought they were "revolutionaries" at the time had failed to distinguish between rebellion, liberation and revolution. People were so angry at the abhorrent things this country was doing to Vietnam and to blacks that they came to reject this country totally. The Weathermen projected a picture that there was nothing good about the United States, that there was no hope for this country, and that this attitude was mirrored in the way many people on the Left treated each other at the time-with vehemence and hatred, "trashing" and "gut-checking" each other, rather than with love and respect. IN MANY WAYS, what happened to people during the 60s was valuable, in that they were forced to question their own largely middle- class background, and to examine where their allegiances lay. But, at the same time, the per- sonal antagonisms that led to "brittle" relationships crippled people emotionally in many ways. As a result, many people on the Left recognized by the early 1970s that a healthier approach towards solving the problems of society had to be taken. People turned to the communities, and became involved in local issues and workplace issues. They recognized that the greatest im- pact can be made at the most immediate level-where people live and work. They looked at the 60s and learned some lessons: that all too often people in the movement were not so much acting for change as reacting to the daily horrors of Vietnam; that many activists wan- ted "instant revolution" just as so many people in this society want instant gratification; and that so much of what was done in the 60s was done without a philosophy or well-developed theory of how change occurs. Paralleling this was the development of "New Age Consciousness," an outgrowth of the Counterculture movement of the 60s. Whereas the Counterculture movement sought to be as separate from the society as possible, the New Age movement has gradually been integrating itself into society by spreading an awareness of the need for linking together spirituality, community and politics. AS FELDMAN pointed out, there is much to learn from the 60s, but to do so we have to over- come our romantic view of that period. Fur- thermore,'we must get own to the hard work of applying what we've learned to present cir- cumstances. It's easy to throw up our hands in despair, as so many people seem to be doing. What's much more difficult is to take a positive look, at a time when the future seems so frightening. People need to take a long view, and realize that there have been hard times in this country before, and that during these hard times people pulled themselves together and struggled successfully to survive. WE'RE BECOMING aware of a new danger on the horizon-the impending threat of a nuclear holocaust that would destroy life on earth as we know it. The movement for nuclear disarmament that existed in the early 1960s has re-emerged, and it is a movement that has the potential of uniting everyone in this country. A few weeks ago there was a convocation here on campus attended by several hundred people; it was part of similar events on the issue of the nuclear threat to survival on over 150 campuses across the country-a monumen- tal accomplishment. After the convocation, 150 people held a can- dle-light march to University President Harold Shapiro's house to demonstrate against military research on campus. But unlike the demonstrations of the late sixties, which were filled with such slogans as "Smash" and "Destroy," this march had a different meaning for people. It was a very graceful event, in which feelings of desperation and urgency were shared in a loving way that creates an energy for change. People are beginning to realize, just as they did in the 60s, that what's happening here on campus is directly related to what's happening in society as a whole. The University is serving the interests of the military-industrial com- plex, just as it did at the time of the Vietnam War. Students and faculty are becoming in- volved in the debate over whether the Univer- sity should be research-oriented or teaching- oriented. The attitude of the University ad- ministration seems to be that research, in- cluding military research, will bring in more money. But at what cost in terms of human values? THE ADMINISTRATION is prepared to shut down whole schools and colleges if money isn't forthcoming-under the "Smaller but Better" philosophy. This, of course, can't be separated from what the Reagan administration is doing domestically and internationally. So, the same kinds of value choices that people were forced to make during the Vietnam War have to be made today. Will we ignore what's going on in society and the world, in the hope that things won't get any worse, when everything going on around us seems to in- dicate that society is decaying economically, politically and spiritually? Will we continue to;W sink into apathy, despair and cynicism, ignoring the fact that this is exactly' what Reagan and the Right Wing want so that they can continue to wield power? Are we willing to accept our responsibility as social beings and take action on what we believe is best for society, and the world, as a whole? What can we do? One thing would be to join the effort to end military research in Ann Ar- bor, and to make Ann Arbor a center for peace research instead of war research. The movement seems to be gaining speed and might well take off in January. One of the things we've learned from the 60s is that significant change occurs through mass mobilization. The entire institution of Jim Crow in the South was destroyed by the Civil Rights movement. And the massive mobilization against the Vietnam War, which resulted in over a half-million people marching on Washington, played a significant role in changing the government's policy. Now we see an equal number of people marching on Washington on Solidarity Day this past Sep- tetiber. What's happening now is a resurgence of the progressive movement and of the people's movement-a direct result of all the work that's gone on since the 60s. The process of mobilization gives people a sense of power-you can see that you're not along, that millions of people are being affected just as you are, and that there is strength in numbers. Obviously, we shouldn't kid our- selves that a movement to overturn the Reagan administration is going to bring about the total transformation of society-we have learned to much about the resiliency of the American power structure to deceive ourselves that way. But we also know that mass movements have the potential to significantly alter power relationships in society and bring about an at- mosphere where people will be more free to develop themselves in socially responsible: ways. Duboff is a former contributing editor for the Daily. but activism lives on -V -.1 eite btu at ni g Edited and managed by students at The University of Michigan Weasel By Robert Lence i 4 Vol. XCII, No. 69 420 Maynard St. Ann Arbor, MI 48109 'CTS ALWST E}6t4r o?-Lo',K., wma.. ARE You READY lb Coo TO THAT LECTURE? d -riA NOT SvR£ ASOUT T-415 79IN&, FR£D" DID YOU RrFAV T14£ BOOS. THAT TW ALOOR WHO& SFEAKIN& WROIE.? Editorials represent a majority opinion of the Daily's Editorial Board 0"" TAC+T ME WT) sEoI, .r APP'L( To LAW 5CRM0L IN THE FALL ! Y~ OKAY! OUT T1 1 HERE MY f! tl+b;Y cANJ ME t rRSr! sTRRt Now! t L-Er ME TPROU6H fIIL.L /A uLf TON'& T! PR. H AurH RWAYNt £ E FiRs7-, o _ rc'r f i f QUIT e Yoo rx T thVyt ME FIRSTI 1NG, Faculty unionization 57 I,. J/, *tvr.. /Ii // A CAREFUL examination of the recent petitions from University faculty members on unionization shows their focus lies not in plans for the for- mation of any union, but in airing discontent over current salary policies. The wording of the petitions from members of the physics and the art history departments was very cautious. Both petitions asked faculty governance groups only to look into the possibilities of a faculty union at the University. Neither supported unionization outright; in fact, professors who originated the respec- tive petitions admit'they are undecided themselves on the question of a union. The one point both petitions made without equivocation, however, was the faculty's growing discontent with the distribution of this year's low 5.5 percent salary increase. Many faculty members voiced concern that the University's merit-based system, which rewards those showing ex- cellence in teaching and research with higher raises, may shortchange those faculty members with high seniority who are not considered academic hot- shots. The merit system, the Univer- sity's longstanding salary policy, is creating new concern among the faculty because low salary increases make who gets how much even more important. The union petitions have received little support from the faculty as a whole. Most faculty members view forming a union as a grave move, and express reservations that the leveling effects any union causes would turn the University into a second-rate in- stitution. Even though the possibilities for faculty unionization seem remote, the administration should consider the petitions as messages of faculty discontent. Union petitions may be nothing more now than a device to draw attention to faculty grievances, but unionization may become a more serious faculty issue unless the ad- ministration attempts to increase faculty involvement in future Univer- sity decisions. --4Nw"E!J_ Fi r r LETTERS TO THE DAILY: Tenants union self-serving To the Daily: Those who, like this writer, were out on the Diag Tuesday noon to be informed by the Ann Arbor Tenants Union must have been disappointed by the rhetoric., Disappointed, but not sur- prised. It was mentioned that people are mainly uninformed about what their rights as tenants are- a rather vague generalization- and how the main opposition to tenants' rights is not so much the evil landlord but apathy, since the people most affected are usually in town for no more than 3 or 4 years. Fortunately, that tired canard, rent control, was left un- discussed, a wise decision if one did not want to be laughed off the library steps. But was there any relevant information? Various and separate studies have shown that high rents, scar- Democracy in Israel " . r "zk ,. ri ,, ?, f# To the Daily: In an editorial which appeared on November 11, you asserted that Israel exhibits "a lack of concern for the rights of the Palestinian people." A careful examination of Israeli policy, however, demonstrates that this is just not so. Indeed, Israel has shown a high regard for Palestinian rights, as the following facts make clear. Palestinians living in Israel are entitled to become Israeli citizens and thereby to enjoy full basic freedoms and civil liberties. Thus, for example, Arabs in Israel not only vote in gover- nment elections, but they have *h :.. -- ..c--4: - rn re n~i a n h more, Palestinians have their own universities in the "Israeli- occupied" West Bank. Israel has committed itself (via Camp David) to an arrangement that would permit Palestinians full autonomy in the West Bank and Gaza Strip until negotiations and agreement among Israel, Egypt, Jordan, and elected Palestinian representatives determine the final status of those areas. The Palestinians alone would have the right to ap- prove or reject any such agreement. If you are truly concerned about suppression of Palestinian self-determination, then you -t --- .-_ -M O nTTs0% city of housing, and poor upkeep are mainly due to city gover- nmentpinterference in the marketplace. High property taxes, veiled and not-so-veiled threats of rent control, and con- tinual hassling with quasi- governmental agencies such as historical commissions 'do not promote an incentive to building new units. Upgrading older units or converting single dwellings to multiple dwellings are discouraged-anyone who has ever made improvements on a house only to have the city reassess it (i.e., raise the taxes) can see the point. And coops are regulated out of existence. Zoning, height restrictions, and a general no-growth policy also stifle new housing, particularly low-cost private multiple housing. Addel to that is the fact that the University has not provided sufficient accommodations for those wishing to live on campus. In short, the demand for housing far surpasses the available housing, and the would-be renter is caught in the middle of a political squeeze play. These issues, though, are - ignored by those who profess to be interested in the tenant. authoritarian group, interested more in regimentation than in the problem. There is also a bias to the group, a trait or philosophy un- fortunately shared by other so- called consumer groups. The average person is a boob, an ignoramus, too stupid to make decisions for her/himself, and therefore it is the divine duty of a small minority to dictate what can or cannot be done. Reductio ad absurdum, anyone who dared to sign an unsanctioned agreement with another person is obviously a danger to him/her- self as well as to others. As an information group, poin- ting out what to look for in a lease, or even what landlords it would not advise dealing with, the Tenants Union can be ap- plauded. But its hostility to freeing up the system and its counter-productive deter- mination to promote actions that will have just the opposite effect totally outweigh any positive qualities. One could justifiably accuse the Tenants Union of being self- serving, as was mentioned above. Is it interested in only keeping the Tenants Union alive through promoting policies that are cosmetic and that will assure the Al