OPINION Saturday, September 12, 1981 Page 4 The Michigan Daily, 6 Edited and managed by students at The University of Michigan } Frosh, where's your hat? Vol. XCII, No. 3 420 Maynard St. Ann Arbor, MI 48109 Editorials represent a majority opinion of the Daily's Editorial Board Improved meal services, F OR YEARS, University dormitory residents have been forced either to fit hectic class and work schedules around often inconvenient meal times, or to simply go without eating. This year,'however, the University housing office seems to have demonstrated concern and responsiveness to the students' needs by offering a con-, tinuous meal service at Markley. The experimental plan is available to anyone who has a University meal card. If the program is successful, housing administrators say it could be expanded to other dormitories. Such a move would make sense if there is sufficient interest to merit the expansion. As an increasing amount of financial aid resources dry up, more and more students are finding them- selves in the job market. While it is sometimes troublesome to schedule classes around designated meal times, scheduling work hours can be impossible. A continuous meal plan can help, relieve most of those problems. Frequently, the housing office seems to take advantage of dorm residen- ts-most of whom are freshpersons or transfer students. These people, un- familiar with Ann Arbor, turn to the University for housing, and often find an "if-you-don't-like-it-move-out"at- titude. -It is refreshing to see the housing office take an active interest in - the welfare of the students. The issue of hazing was brought to the attention of nany Michigan students last year when several members of the hockey team were disciplined for taking part in a bizzare hazing ritual. Subsequently, State Representative Perry Bullard (D-Ann Arbor) sponsored legislation which would prohibit similar acts of hazing at all Michigan colleges. Replay By Will McLean Greeley Hazing has occurred at the University of Michigan since the mid-nineteenth cen- tury, despite attempts by University of- ficials to limit it. One such attempt oc- curred in 1922, when the Student Council formed the Underclass Conduct Commit- tee. This Committee was authorized to enforce "freshman rules"and thereby do away with "mob hazing." For example, freshmen were expected to, wear a particular hat or "toque" which would distinguish them from the upper- classmen. The Underclass Conduct Committee would summon before it any alleged violators of the rules, and sit in judgment of the accused. In April 1922 freshman Louis Orr was found to be in violation of several fresh- man rules, and was ostracized by the Freshman class, the Underclass Conduct Committee, and the Daily. Daily, April 25, 1922' FRESHMAN CLASS VOTES TO OUST ORR FROM RANKS Resolutions stating the stand the freshman classes of the University take on the question of failing to observe Michigan traditions were passed at the meeting of freshmen held yesterday in the Natural Science auditorium at the request of the freshman literary class. More than 300 freshmen attended and after a short discussion it was voted to declassify and ostracise Louis T. Orrvthe yearling who has refused to wear his freshman toque, this action being followed by the following resolutions drawn to meet all such cases which might reoccur, reading that: In the future all freshmen who refuse to live up to Michigan traditions as statedaby the Student council shall be declassified and ostracised by their class. Second: That the Michigan Daily be requested to publish the picture of said violator and reasons for said action taken, provided for in Article One. The meeting was openedhby Vernon F. Hillary, '23, secretary of the Coun .il, who spoke on Michigan traditions. He stated the case of Orr and told the freshmen that the Student council had voted that his expulsion be recommended. . . but that the council was desirous of first determining the feeling of the class concerning a man who has refused to comply with Michigan's traditions, Hillary then introduced R. L. Laurence, '25, who spoke briefly on the same question and then asked for discussion. Immediately a dozen clamorous cries for recognition were heard and the question was discussed in all its points. The first speaker attempted to, in a measure, champion Orr and to question the methods employed in en- forcing traditions. Members Outraged His efforts proved in vain, however, for the majority were plainly of the opinion that some action should be taken by the class as a unit to make firm its principles and show its disap- proval of Orr's confduct. Some were even so outraged as to suggest a committee of mem- bers visit Orr in order to attempt to impress forcibly upon him their intense disapproval of his violations of tradition. NEXT WEEK: The Year Football was Nearly Abolished. Greeley is a student in the School of Library Science. Every Saturday he will contribute columns clipped from past Dailies. I Weasel. By Robert Lence Those devil banks A S IF THE whole Reagan program . for economic recovery were not a little unbelievable already, Republicans in the Congress are ad- ding a neat little fiction that makes the whole package truly incredible. It's the markets, they say. It's the markets that are in league against the president and his program; the stocks and bond markets have some sort of deathwish and are destroying the country to profit themselves. ";It's time indeed," Senate Majority Leader Howard Baker (R-Tenn.) war- ned on Wednesday, "that the financial markets realize that they are playing a dangerous game." Republican leaders in Congress are threatening to seek restrictions on the' financial markets, such as windfall profits taxes on in- terest and credit controls. The situation wouldn't be quite so silly if the Republicans hadn't been such ardent supporters of the markets in the past. It was, after all, the Republicans who won last November after proclaiming the virtues of the free market. Perhaps the Republicans ought to pay more attention to their campaign rhetoric. The market does indeed have something to say, and it has not been saying great things about Reagan's programs. The indications are that Wall Street is hesitant because the presidedt's plan is inflationary. If the Republicans really believe what they said last year about deficit spending being a cause for inflation, they should start hacking away at the military budget instead of looking for some deep dark conspiracy of the devil banks. CONTINUING IN OUR ORIENTATIM T", HERE WE HAVE THE FAMOUS "DIAGIO " 6ATHMN& RACE FOR. TOAANDS' \ of SCuD! NTS IWBt'TW N - .-. -. N - r (A 9 / {; ITS A" L 4' c rAr TRAD ITI ON. I YcTO F~STLEAM. soyYo~.i FR.SHM~N AP. ES~~TDUXPE/ l A W A I T ! - 0 $ A c Z ' ITV 9NSTIY A ./ A -f K*1 > t. < IN. -- , . 2 '0 ~. I I I rr' .,. V 1ri niI Europenextfor limited war?" "NOTvQUITE TME BIII4 MATERIALS 1 WAS HOPING F'OR' t ' ME - r is.r Ever since two atom bombs were detonated over Hiroshima and Nagasaki in 1945, the people of the developed countries, in par- ticular have been gripped by the horror of death through nuclear annihilation. The ex- pectation of atomic war receded after the Cuban missile crisis of October, 1962, but nuclear anxiety reasserted itself a decade later in a "peaceful" variant: general fear of the long-term effects of radiation produced by power plants or other non-military nuclear uses. Now the full horror appears to be reviving fast through the neutron bomb controversy. INDEED, NOT since 1962 Was there been such widespread concern that nuclear war may once again be possible. The concern is evident on both sides of the Atlantic, but it is most acute in Western Europe, where the op- position to nuclear power plants of the 1970s is shifting quickly into an anti-war movement of significant proportions. The neutron bomb has therefore become a watershed issue. The Reagan administration views it-as a vital counterweight to the huge Soviet force in East Germany. Its opponents view its deployment as a Rubicon which, if finally crossed, could mean the possibility of nuclear war in Europe-and more especially, nuclear war on the soil of the two Germanys. This fear must be understood in the context of the virtual absence of such anxieties for the past 20 years or more. Caught up in the general march of postwar peace and prosperity, Europeans paid scant attention to the danger of another violent conflict on their own lands. WHAT MOST assured them was the feeling that Europe played a special role in the strategic thinking of the superpowers. War in Europe was regarded by the Soviets as a mortal threat to their existence, and by the Americans as certain grounds for full-fledged escalation. In other words, such conflict would be virtually tentamount to all-out nuclear war. The nuclear deterrent protec- ting the United States and the Soviet Union covered all of Europe, as well. By the end of the 1970s, however, the boom bubble had burst in Western Europe, Poland was moving toward economic collapse and social revolution-and the special role was apparently crumbling. InEastern Europe, the Soviets promoted a massive military buildup. Warsaw Pact forces, studded with By Franz Schurmann IN SHORT, Europeans increasingly fear that it may finally be their turn, after Korea and ,.Vietnam, to become the arena of a "limited war," this time involving nuclear as well as conventional weapons. Hence the renewed sense of horror occasioned by President Reagan's decision to produce the neutron bomb. There is no question but that a fundamental shift in strategic thinking has taken place in Washington, and much of its roots lie in Schlesinger's tenure at the Defense Depar- tment, where he argued for just such a strategy: Europe would simply have to assume its place in the world like any other region, with no-special role or shock proof protection. The West European leaders had vastly preferred Henry Kissinger, who made it quite clear that he thought Europe was a very special place. Were it not for the Middle Eastern political volcanoes, Western Europe. might even welcome seeing the special relationship wither away. It is no longer of economic benefit to them, and many believe Europe can best serve as an intermediary between the two superpowers. BUT NO EUROPEAN leader can ignore the fact that the place most likely to witness another proxy war between the United States and the Soviet Union is the Middle East. There it might well be virtually impossible for Europe to stay unscathed and uninvolved, as, it did in Korea and Vietnam. On their part, American officials are determined never again to get into a limited war which directly involves the United States, but only indirectly the Soviet Union. Yet the new global strategy of the Reagan ad- ministration, based on the irreversible dependence of the United States on foreign raw materials-chiefly Middle Eastern oil-makes another Korea or Vietnam possible. This time, however, the White House has-let it be known that if the Soviets make a move, even indirectly, Washington would reserve the option of striking back elsewhere. Where that elsewhere is has just been made dramatically clear over the Libyan Gulf of Sidra. With sizeable U.S. and Soviet fleets crisscrossing the Mediterranean day'after day, it is there that the fiat direct U.S.-Soviet clash could most likely occur. And that clash in turn could very well set off the nuclear. "trip wire" in Europe. Beyond Europe, Japan, the Soviet Union, the United States and a few other countries, however, there appears to be much less of the renewed horror about nuclear war. In much of the world, the holocausts still come in con- ventional ways: bombs, bullets, bayonets, and the bashing of heads. An end to nukes would not mean an end to war, but an end to a kind of war that par- ticularly threatens the Western nations. In fact, there are only two theaters of operation in which the proposed neutron weapons could effectively be used: the rolling hills of Ger- many and the expanses of the Sino-Soviet frontier. For only there would the neutron weapdn serve its intended purpose: inflicting radioactive death on tank crews in large- scale land battles. Many people hope that the present war fever might be a prelude to new arms accor- ds, as in the past. From 1960 to 1980, such ac- cords effectively reaffirmed Europe's san- ctuary status while leaving the way open for conflicts elsewhere. Now the Reagan Ad- ministration appears to be saying: never- more. This time it is either a comprehensive global accord or nothing. If it-is the latter, then Europe could be in real danger of being directly dragged into the world's next "limited war"-or worse. Schurmann is a professor of Sociology and History at the University of Califor- nia at Berkeley and is author of the Logic of World Power. He wrote this article for Pacific News Service. I 6 ...... :i{>^::: .......... . . ......:i'i'i~:iy......... Letters and columns represent - w . .a-. - - - - A