Page 4-Friday, January 18, 1980-The Michigan Daily The peace threat doesn't come from Moscow By the Young Socialist Alliance President Carter claims the presence of Soviet troops in Afghanistan is "the greatest threat to peace since the Second World War." Democratic and Republican politicians and the big-business news media are trying to con- vince American working people that our in- terests are threatened because Soviet troops are helping Afghan workers and peasants defend their country from right-wing bands. TO COMBAT THIS "Soviet threat," Carter calls on us to support a series of retaliatory measures. These will mean more sacrifices from American working people: " lower prices to farmers as grain sales are cancelled; " fewer jobs as trade with the Soviet Union is curtailed; "rhigher taxes and more inflation as the war budget is jacked up to even higher levels. Meanwhile, the State Department dismisses as "ridiculous" charges by the Soviet and Afghan governments that the CIA was organizing the right-wing guerrillas in Afghanistan with the aim of establishing a power base right on the Soviet border. But American people have every reason to be suspicious of these U.S. government denials. We've heard such pleas of innocence before. WE WERE ASSURED that the Pentagon was not bombing Laos during the 1960s and 70s. We were told that Washington had nothing to do with the South African invasion of Angola in 1975. The White House protested all reports that the CIA plotted to assassinate Cuban President Fidel Castro. Washington denied it had anything to do with the overthrow of the Allende regime in Chile. In each case, the facts later surfaced and Washington's lies were exposed. To understand what is really going on in Afghanistan, we have to step back and look at why the impoverished Afghan people have been fighting to better their lives. AFGHANISTAN, A MOUNTAINOUS land- locked country about the size of Texas, is one of the world's poorest countries. Annual per capita income is $160. It was long ruled by a repressive and corrupt monarchy, replaced in 1973 by a dictatorship under Mohammed Daoud. With economic power in the hands of big lan- downers and a few capitalists, Afghanistan was a land of inequality and oppression. Five per cent of the population owned half of the arable land. The infant mortality rate was 50 per cent. Ninety per cent of the 18 million people were illiterate. Over half the population, which is mostly peasants, suffered from respiratory diseases. DAOUD DEVELOPED closer and closer ties to the Shah of Iran and the U.S. government. The shah's dreaded SAVAK secret police moved into Afghanistan to hunt down suspec- ted political dissidents. The death penalty was imposed for opposition political activities. Then, in April 1978, the Afghan masses rose up and fought to change these oppressive con- ditions-as the Iranian masses were to do later that year. Tens of thousands of Afghan workers and peasants took to the streets, a section of the army rebelled, and a new government came to power. It announced and began to implement a series of important social reforms: " Extensive land and water-rights redistribution was begun. " The peasants' debts t'o big landlords were cancelled. . Trade unions were legalized for the first time. " Oppressed nationalities were for the first time allowed newspapers in their own languages. " A massive literacy campaign was initiated. " Schools and medical centers began to be built in the rural areas. " The sale of femalechildren was outlawed and compulsory schooling was extended to in- clude young women. ALL THESE PROGRESSIVE measures would be supported by American workers and farmers if they knew about them. But the U.S. news media has suppressed the facts. Washington never said a word to protest Daoud's vicious repression, nor lifted a finger to improve social conditions in Afghanistan. But it immediately set out to strangle the gains of the Afghan masses. Just two months after the revolution, Carter cut off all economic aid programs to Afghanistan. American officials tried to block loans destined to help develop that country. Unable to launch a direct military interven- tion because of the deep sentiments of American working people against another Vietnam-type war, Washington has sought to carry out its operations through inter- mediaries. In this case it has mainly been through the U.S. dominated military dictator- ship in Pakistan. The Pakistani government provides bases for the right-wing guerrillas, money to buy arms, military training, and free access across the Afghanistan border. If the Afghan and Soviet forces are suc- cessful in defeating the reactionary right-wing offensive, the Afghan people will be in a much better position to achieve their aspirations. The Soviet move in Afghan has also put a big crimp in Washington's war drive against Iran, making it harder for Carter to drag us into another Vietnam there. It has gained time for the masses in Nicaragua to advance their struggles with less danger of U.S. intervention. It is a sharp blow to the U.S. rulers' effbrts to hold back popular revolutionary upheavals throughout the world. THE REAL THREAT to peace and to the in- terest of American workers and farmers comes from Washington, not Moscow. The real threat is Carter's campaign to aid the right-wing Afghan guerrillas, to beef 'up the Pakistani die- tatorship, to establish military bases in the Middle East and Africa, and to squander more millions on the war budget. The American people show no eagerness to sacrifice forCarter's campaign. Farmers, who hve been most directly affected, are the most vocal. 0 'The issue is not Soviet intervention, but a growing U. S. in- tervention-aimed at taking back the gains won by the Afghan mases-thatfinally forced the Soviet government to respond.' " Washington's hostile reaction was not limited to economics. Especially after the new gover- nment's land reform got under way, armed ac- tions began against it. These guerrilla bands are portrayed as "Muslimrebels" opposed to an atheist regime. This is another of Washington's falsifications. The majority of the country's population who support the government are also Muslims. And as the London Economist admitted last year, "No restrictions had been imposed on religious practice." (September 11, 1979).x THE REAL REASONS for the fighting lie elsewhere. Who are these so-called Muslim rebels? They are former feudal landlords, for- mer military officers, monarchists, opium and heroin dealers, smugglers, money-lenders, and others whose privileges and power are threatened by the gains of the majority. An "Afghan rebel leader" profiled in the January 8 Wall Street Journal, for example, turns out to be a rich landlord with thirty-five houses. He is fighting because the new gover- nment took over thirty-four ofnhis houses, ex- plaining that he only needed one. ANOTHER METHOD OF financing the Afghan rightists is the international heroin trade. This detestable business was also used by the CIA to finance pro-U.S. mercenary ar- mies in Laos. Evidence has appeared in the international press that the CIA is directly involved in the training of Afghan rightists. One of the guerrilla leaders, a U.S. citizen named Ziya Nezri, visited the State Department in early March to request U.S. support. With this powerful array of international for- ces ranged against the revolution, the Afghan government turned to the Soviet Union for aid. Money and advisers were provided. When it looked like the imperialist-backed forces might pull off a bloody Chile-style counterrevolution right on its southern border, Soviet troops came in. SO THE ISSUE is not Soviet intervention, but a growing U.S. intervention-aimed at taking back the gains won by the Afghan masses-that finallydforced the Soviet government to respond. Russell Arndt, head of the National Corn Growers Assocition, asserted, "a cutoff of sales and delivery of grain to the U.S.S.R. is the heaviest blow to Americas agricultural producers ... since the Great Depression." A REPRESENTATIVE of the American Agricultural movement explained, "There is no country that will deal with us with any con- fidence" if Carter's embargo goes through. Some farmers have begun to raise the idea of a new tractorcade to Washington to protest their victimization by Carter's policies. For American workers and farmers, the way to promote peace is to support the gains of the Afghan masses. We should reject the demand to sacrifice for Carter's drive against the I Afghan revolution. We should oppose any attempt by the U.S. government to intervene in Afghanistan, either directly or by bolstering the regime in Pakistan. We should call for the immediate resumption of full, trade and diplomatic relations with the Soviet Union. Spacey Jane OMPH NRA Ninety Years of Editorial Freedom Vol. XC, No. 88 News Phone: 764-0552 Edited and managed by students at the University of Michigan /_...- -.,. / 1 - --' -- u I WILL WEi C(PERIENCE RELATIV flY? F tee.. By Tom Stevens Bur YoUR TkExA AY' 0 k r Y LSA-SG must address problems at home first I l of i iw 1 I.E Laor working forte public. VEN BEFORE the New Year's celebration was over, the turning of the decade brought this institution an unpleasant dose of fresh reality. Within a brief but ominous five-day stretch, the painful financial future of the University became evident in two related and disturbing developments. The fiscal restraint and budgetary sacrifices that will characterize this decade began to show themselves Tuesday, when we learned of a record 13.2 per cent jump in next year's dor- mitory rates. And, as if that weren't enough, on Wednesday it was reported that the economics department is now facing overcrowding in many of its im- portant upper level classes. Yet, these dismal portents seem to have passed the LSA Student Gover- nment (LSA-SG) by. The members ap- pear to be living in the past. Perhaps no one has told them that the Univer- sity will face countless decisions in the next* few years that will shape the future of education here. Perhaps the government just doesn't want to believe the future will be dark. On Wednesday night, 48 hours after the. dorm hike hit the headlines, the student government met; there was no discussion of the near $300 hike that will affect many of the LSA-SG's con- stituents. True, two days may be too little time to adopt a serious resolution to meet the crisis, but a few words of commentary and a vow to tackle the to sell its investments in firms doing business in South Africa. How manyI times have we heard that song in the past, to the exclusion of other, more immediate problems that cry out to be heard? Although divestiture is fair and right, LSA-SG should devote its time to solving crises at home. LSA-SG must assume a prominent role in University governance and act as a viable forum for student input. The difficult cutback decisions of this decade must not be made without student input; if LSA-SG doesn't press for such involvement, students will be left by the wayside as many popular programs are either eliminated or reduced to help keep the University afloat. When the new government took over in November, dreams of a more responsive leadership seemed at- tainable. President Dan Solomon and his aides were determined, they said; to build a better campus for students. It's still early, but if LSA-SG doesn't soon deal with the realities of the 1980s, student needs will once again be set on the back burner while the important decisions are made by the ad- ministration and the faculty. 01 b ifigan BMW EDITORIAL STAFF Sue Warner................................EDITOR-IN-CHIEF Richard Berke. Julie Rovner.........EMANAGINGEDITORS Michael Arkush. Keith Richburg..... EDITORIAL DIRECTORS Unlike America's entrance into the preceeding three decades, our -entrance into the 1980's is marked by economic uncertain- ty. Inflation continues to soar. Unemployment is high in com- ,parison with many other in- dustrializedtnations. Economic growth has stagnated. Essential raw materials have become scarce. Conventionial policies, too, have become inappropriate methods of dealing with these problems. To combat inflation, the American government raises interest rates jeopardizing small businesses and the construction industry, both of which depend on loans to maintain themselves. The resulting recessionary effect also seves to increase employment. ATTEMPTS TO cope with energy shortages have resulted in the continued production of nuclear fission reactors and the dismantling of environmental regulations and protections designed to assure the physical health and well-being of Americans. The United States has suc- cessfully passed through other periods of economic uncertainty to become the richest nation in the world today, but each time it has required that a new set of economic policies be instatuted. As the depression of the 1930s ushered in the active manipulation of monetary and fiscal policy, a new set of policies must be enacted in the 1980s to cope with energy shortages, the By Robert Leighton HIS FAILINGS seem to have lent credence to the cries to reduce the government's in- volvement in the economy and to incease the reliance on the market and private investment to help maximize the welfare of Americans. A quick look at many of the planned eonomies will reveal that a government can ef- ficiently runaan economy. A recent article in Business Week also suggested that many American industrialists have recognized the need for some form of a central economic plan- ning bureau. Here in America it is also easy to see that the cor- porate pursuit of profits is not identical .to the promotion of welfare in America. Oil companies have failed to invest adequately in alternative sources of energy. But, gover- nment regulations have not been the deterrence. Instead, oil com- panies have chosen to re-invest their huge pofits in areas where the returns on investments are highest regardless of the im- plications for the American economy and the American con- sumer. MANY F I RMS in the steel in- dustry have allowed their mills to run down. They have taken capital depreciation tax credits and steel profits and have fun- neled them into industries where the rate of return on investments is highest. This has served to were lost due to the closing of nearly four thousand plants bet- ween 1967 and 1973. These closings have served to decimate many communities' tax bases, requiring a reduction in public services and in the quality of education. In short, corporate interests can in no way be equated with the citizen's interests, consumer in- terests, the environmentalist's interests, or the worker's in- terests. SOME ATTEMPTS have been made to legislate corporate social responsibility. Here in Michigan, Perry Bullard (D-Ann Arbor) has sponsored the Com- munity Job and Business Preser- vation Act. In Washington, a Cor- porate Democracy Act is now being drafted that will be intor- duced to Congess in the near future. However, the passage of these bills, as well as other pieces of legislation framed within the public's interest, is extremely doubtful. Corporations will be spending a record thirty million dollars on political campaigns this year. Millions of additional dollars will be directed at lobbying efforts designed to promote the interests of Big Business. Today, organized labor stands as the significant countervailing force to Big Business and the growing strength of the American Far Right. William coming to the realization that it must make alliances with other progressive forces to achieve constructive policy alternatives that are founded in the public in- terest. In recent years, this has been- manifested in the establishment of the Citizens Labor Energy Coalition and the Progressive Alliance. Robert Georgine of the one time pro- Vietnam and still pro-nuclear Building and Construction TradesgDepartment has also come to realize the need for coalition and has been looking, within and outside the labor movement for allies. Today and tomorrow, a con- ference will be held at the Michigan Theatre in Ann Arbor. that will bring togther more than one thousand working trade unionists, students, and educators fromsacross the coun- try at the largest gathering of American labor leaders on a University. campus in over two decades. Entitled "The 1980s: Plight or 'Prosperity?" this event has been publicized as a major national conference on the future of the American Labor Movement. However, the scope of the con- ference is much broader. It will confront many of the key issues that America faces today, and it will expose and develop many of the strategies designed to cope with these problems. Most impor- tantly, this conference will help bridge the schism that has existed between working people