-f 7W 7W V IF v S -f The Michigan Daily-Sunday, F Page 2-Sunday, February 24, 1980-The Michigan Daily Free space I like movies Triumph of the Won't: Resisting pat politics on fi II 44 16 4 By Owen Gleiberman A few years ago, I paid a visit to one of the University's resident film profs, in search of a class to plug up the 3-credit space in my schedule. The prof, a thoughtful gent with a billygoat beard, suggested I take "Vietnam and the Holocaust," and not being in a particularly epochal mood I asked him whether the course would deal with movies as much as politics. He assured me it would. "Take a film like Hearts and Minds," he said. "When you show General Westmoreland saying that the In- dochinese don't value human life the way we do, and then cut to a shot of a young North Vietnamese boy in agony at his father's grave, that's film." Well, film it is. The question I've been asking myself a good bit lately is, is it politics-or, more specifically, is it good politics, rather than a glib shot- in-the-arm for liberal pieties? From Birth of a Nation on, the movies have served up sweeping political statements dressed in a thick coat of melodrama. Since Hollywood has always worried that overt politicizing would scare away its pleasure-seeking audiences, directors made sure that any messages were def- tly concealed in love stories and action dramas or that.they came with an im- plicit United States Government seal of approval. Mr. Smith could go to Washington, but only if his escapades assured a Depression-torn public that the System still worked, no matter how many rotten apples were clogging its main channels. The home-spun patriotism of populist comedies like Mr. Smith is awfully hard to take seriously: Too many social tragedies have been traced to the government's not-so-benign neglect (or to its vicious interference) to leave much room for emotional flag-waving. But cynicism is a far cry from wisdom or maturity. The layer of blank disillusionment that hung over movies like a foul cloud in the late sixties and early seventies wasn't any less min- dless or sentimental than the fake op- timism of those older films. Movies like Joe, Little Big Man, Easy Rider, The Last Picture Show, and Dirty Harry were dark without real despair, because their ideological disenchan- tment was merely the flip side of Hollywood sentimentality, was in fact, the ' new Hollywood sentimen- tality-idealism gone sour. The messages were different, but the essen- tial tactic-grabbing the viewer by his or her guts so there wasn't even time to think-was identical. The idea that a counterculture thesis film like Easy Owen Gleiberman, a former Sunday Magazine editor, says he is torn between the best mercenary work he can find ("are they still in An- gola?") andalnice sundress in palest lavender-pink. Rider was somehow cutting through a batch of lies to tap some great dark secret about American society was true in only the most superficial sense: It simply discovered new lies, gave America a black hat instead of a white one, and directed those lies at a fresh crop of youth who weren't quite wide- eyed enough to swallow the old ones. id they swallow the new ones? Well, for awhile, at least until all that end-of-the-empire fatalism began to look naive instead of ominously prophetic. And so now, movies have er s (Ronald Reagan, left, started to incorporate some am- bivalence about who the villains are. In The Seduction of Joe Tynan, for exam- ple, the hero is not a righteously un- compromising freedom-fighter and his enemies aren't corrupt stooges: In- stead, he's a flawed pragmatist with his heart in the right place-a good, guy, but not a great one. Alan Alda's screen- play tries not to stack the deck either way about Tynan's political or personal life, but it's so basically inept that the movie is garbled and without any con- vincing focus. (How is the senator really "seduced" if he was far from an innocent to begin with?) Next to it, the riveting suspense of an All the President's Men or even The Candidate begins to look like splendid art, "politics" come to life on films But what we respond to in almost all these political filmrs (including such imports as Z, Investigation of a Citizen Above Suspicion, Burn, or even the stunning epic documentary The Battle of Chile) is not politics but melodrama. There's nothing intrinsically wrong with this. A movie is always more en- joyable if one'agrees with its message, only because it's nice to see responsible points-of-view beingdispersed through" an entertaining medium. But it's one thing to call the films of Costa-Gravas (Z) or. Pontecorvo (The Battle of Algiers) utilitarian political thrillers, and quite another to infer that their political sensibility is in any way in- dependent of their melodramatic ap- peal. This distinction looms in importance when the political riessages hit closer to home than those of the European models. Who really cares if the ties Bertolucci makes in The Con- formist between individual decadence and fascism are facile and simple-min- up with 30 of 100 mill him. 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But it was hard not to flinch when I caught Dr. Strangelove at Angell Hall a few weeks ago, amidst a packed house that was so ecstatic over the Mad Magazine nut- tiness that the nuclear apocalypse sim- ply looked like the movie's biggest one- liner. The reactions seemed especially disturbing in light of the (then) previous week's news about the in- vasion in Afghanistan, the talk (however farfetched) of war, and the implicit chance (however obscure) that nuclear weapons might figure into the picture. Strangelove's analysis of the nuclear weapon problem is magically simple: It hangs the blame for everything on a few crazed war-mongers in high military command-i.e., on a collection of inhuman Westmoreland types. After awhile, I just couldn't buy it. I mean, it's one thing to chortle about General Jack D. Ripper and his precious bodily fluids or about Stanley Kubrick/Terry Southern's dubious theory that all the military gamesmanship is simply sublimated sexuality. This is satire. But when Gen. Buck Turgidson scowled that in view of the imperfding nuclear holocaust; he'd' rather attack and end 11 . '-°' (