Page 4-Saturday, January 12, 1980-The Michigan Daily Ninety Years of Editorial Freedom Vol. XC, No. 83 News Phone: 764-0552 Edited and managed by students at the University of Michigan Breaking diplomatic rules Keep restrictions on the C.I.A. USING IRAN and Afghanistan as a smokescreen, Jimmy Carter is seeking to revert back to the dark days of Nixon and Kissinger, by pressing Congress for a review of the current restrictions on C.I.A. covert activities. The current restrictions on the Cen- tral Intelligence Agency-passed by the 1974 Congress in response to the excesses of Nixon and Kissinger-mandates that the ad- ministration report all clandestine spy operations to no less than eight com- Mittess of Congress. Also, all covert activities must now be approved direc- tly by the president, making the chief executive solely accountable and responsible. Carter is now seeking a "revitalization" of the C.I.A., and presumably a resumption of all of the illegal, base and immoral activities the present laws were meant to correct. In the wake of the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, the mood on capitol hill will no doubt be receptive to ad- ministration overtures to repeal the laws restricting C.I.A. activity. The temptation to usethe spy organization to aid Afghan rebels fighting the Soviets will no doubt be great.' 'But if the current laws have shackled the organization in its covert actions, that is because the Nixon/Kissinger administration showed the dangers of so immoral and unrestricted an organization as the C.I.A. run amok. The C.I.A. overthrew the democratically-elected government of Chile, the C.I.A. installed the Shah of Iran; the C.I.A. assassinated the president of South Vietnam; the C.I.A. subverted and effectively destroyed the government of the neutral country of Cambodia; and the C.I.A. waged a secret war in the jungles of Angola. The list goes on and on, ant is still not complete. The Central Intelligence Agency represents all the basest elements with which this country's foreign policyhas become recognized-lies, subversion, treachery, and even murder. And the most lasting legacy of Watergate was the revelation that when it comes to protecting itself, the Central In- telligence Agency will stop at no means even if that includes wiretap- ping, breaking and entering, and violating the constitutional rights of American citizens. The Carter administration had been making progress in disassociating this country from the sins of the past-from all the illegal, immoral and reprehen- sible activities, condoned by this nation's highest officials, that has made America a villain in most of the world. But after slowly building bridges to the third world, the ad- ministration is reversing itself and taking a dangerous leap backwards, by seizing on the emotionalism of the moment to restore the treachery of the past. Mr. Carter is even reportedly con- sidering ways to tamper with the freedom of information act, to restrict more categories of official data from citizen perusal. These encroachments on civil liberties threaten to harp back to the Gestapo-style techniques of Mr. Carter's Republican predecessor, Richard Nixon. And if Carter succeeds in that, he will have succeeded in something Nixon himself could never do-erasing the memory of Watergate and Vietnam. By Franz Schurmann and Jon Stewart Nearly 80 years ago in China bands of young peasants trained in the martial arts formed a political-religious movement dedicated to ridding China of all forms of foreign influen- ce, chiefly the European powers which had been plundering China for many decades. With the tacit support of the powerful. Dowager Empress, Tzu-Hsi, these gangs of "Boxers" (as foreigners called them) mob- bed the foreign legations in Peking and killed the German consul general. As in Iran today, the Boxer Rebellion thereby committed the cardinal sin of inter- national relations: not the killing of a foreigner, but the killing of a diplomat and the violation of an embassy. It broke the rules of international diplomacy. EIGHTY YEARS ago the response to the crime was swift, international and devastating. An array of foreign powers, in- cluding those of Western Europe, the United States and Japan, joined forces and sent a multinational army into China to occupy Peking and crush the Boxers. The authoritarian rule of the Dowager Empress was struck a mortal blow from which it never recovered, and the rules of international diplomacy were re-established in Peking, making China once again safe for foreign ex- ploitation. Through there are no international armies preparing to storm Tehran today, what has occurred there bears more than a passing resemblance to the response to the Boxers' perfidy. Now as then the United States has declared the rule-breaker an outlaw among nations and has urged other powers to act ac- cordingly. Iran's violation of the rules of diplomacy has, in effect, served to forfeit her rights as a full-fledged member of the com- munity of nations and provides justification for harsh punishment by the international club of rule-abiding nations. That so far no military intervention has taken place obscures the fact that Iran is already being subject to punishment, taking the form of economic warfare. The freeze of Iranian assets by the U.S. government can be regarded as retaliation for the holding of the hostages and the embassy. And the unilateral declaration by a syndicate of New York banks, led by Chase Manhattan, that Iran is in default in repayment of its debts is an act tan- tamount to declaring Iran an outlaw in the world economy. THIS IS NOT the first time in modern history that nations, emerging from radical revolutions, have broken the rules of diplomacy. And with new revolutionary cauldrons boiling elsewhere, we might do well to ponder why Iran broke the diplomatic rules in the first place. And beyond that, what is so special about diplomatic rules that makes their violation a legal rationale for warfare. In the Russian Revolution, Lenin defiantly flouted both the rules of diplomacy and those of international finance by repudiating Russia's foreign debt. That act led to a process that still hobbles the Soviet Union: Russia's exclusion from participation in the West's economy. But though Western gover- nments were outraged at Lenin's defiance and responded by invading Russia with the aim of toppling the Bolshevik regime, rage soon gave way to accommodation when it became clear the Bolsheviks were firmly in power and the new government functioned. The Bolsheviks quickly adapted themselves to the norms of international diplomacy, and foreign embassies were once again set up. Because the power of the state was so central to Lenin's vision of socialism, it didn't take the Bolsheviks long to realize that if they had to deal with foreign states, the narrowly proscribed diplomatic road was the only way to travel. The Iranian Revolution shares one fun- damental characteristic with the Russian and other earlier revolutions, essential to under- standing the rationale for the breaking of diplomatic rules: Revolutions mark a profound and radical change in the principles on which government is based. Unlike coups- d'etat, which just shuffle powerholders, revolutions destroy entire governmental structures and often leave the new power holders with few or no blueprints for setting up a new kind of government. As the French Revolution replaced rule by feudal privilege with reason and law; as the Russian Revolution replaced traditional monarchy with socialism; and as the American Revolution replaced the power of a distant king with representative government; so too has the Iranian Revolution overthrown a despotic government for the principles of Shi'a Islam. But there the similarities with earlier revolutions end. For Shi'ism, unlike other forms of statehood, is profoundly anti-state. It is a social religion, oriented to the poor, eter- nally suspicious of and hostile to concen- trations of secular state power. THEREIN LIES the rub. Shi'a Islam, as a form of government, disdains the state, rejec- ts the principal instrument around which in- ternational rules are made and maintained. No one can fail to be struck today by the fact that Iran is being run by an endless proliferation of committees. Even the Revolutionary Council, which constitutes the closest thing to a government, is little more, than one voice among many. The futile at- tempts at real government, such as the Bazargan administration, proved to be nothing more than an administrative bureaucracy with virtually no authority in the international arena. This is the unique aspect of the Iranian 'Revolution, setting it apart from all others. It is the first revolution in modern times that has not only radically transformed gover- nment, but actually reduced the very existen- ce of government to a condition bordering on the ideals of anarchy. Obviously this renders moot the rules of in- ternational diplomacy, based as they are on state power. If there is no "government," in the sense of organized state power, how can there be rules of government? The foundation. of international law consists of agreements made between sovereign states. But Shi'a Islam, with its heavy stress-on the religious and the social, has not allowed much in the way of a new revolutionary state to be con- structed. INDEED, WHAT should be striking is not that Iran has broken the rules, but that it still abides by them in many ways. Iran still has diplomatic relations with the United States and other governments, despite the lack of government in Iran. It still produces and distributes oil in accordance with contractual agreements with other nations, most notably Japan. It is still committed to repayment of international loans, despite Chase Manhat- tan's unilateral declaration of a default. And ironically, Iran's breaking of the rules by the seizure of the U.S. embassy and it personnel has not served to isolate Iran from the world community, but to bring it more than ever to the center of things. As conservatives in America campaign to make the U.S. "not loved but respected," so the Ayatollah's defiance of the American giant has given Iran the center stage in the in- ternational drama. How else could Iran have gained such a position? Let us assume it could have playe by the rules, even while disdaining them.I could have launched an endless and noisy chain of official protests from Tehran to Washington demanding the return of the Shah, and they would have been answered with the usual polite, which is to say diplomatic, refusals. More forceful actions, such as reducing the embassy staff and cut- ting the flow ofoil to the U.S., would have elicited some less polite, but still diplomatic acknowledgements from high U.S. officials. A formal breaking of relations, which is withi the rules of the game, would have achieve nothing but to isolate Iran even more from the world. And finally, Iran could have played the rules to the fullest by formally declaring war on the United States, an act so absurd as to amount-to suicide. TlE FACT IS that if Iran, in its campaign to get back the Shah, had followed the rules and broken relations with the U.S., it would' have meantropting outof the world com- munity and economy, just as Lenin did in. 1918. Instead, Iran did the opposite. Failure to understand the importance to Iran of getting the Shah back reflects a political myopia of seeing revolutions as little more than power struggles, despite the massive lessons of history. Terrible as the guillotining of Louis XVI and the grand Fren- ch nobles was, it dramatically symbolized the change in governing principal from privilege to people. In Iran there is a 2,500 year history of rule by tyrant and privilege. Only the trial of the Shah, and his certain execution, will finally break that millenial yoke of despotisr, hanging over Iran. The issue of the Shah iM non-negotiable for the Iranians. As for the breaking of the rules, we may ag- ticipate that Iran will eventually come back into the diplomatic fold, as a chastized Im- perial China did in 1900. But the prospect of more revolutions in the offing should make us ponder on the role of diplomatic rules: have they become archaic in the relations between nations? Do they favor the big players over the little ones? And, with global migrations communications, trade, tourism, and ir creasingly global politics, what is so sacrosanct about a diplomacy that forces all significant relations between nations and peoples to be funnelled entirely through governments, especially at a time when the role of government in human affairs is held in. high suspicion? The writers are editors of the Pacific News Service, the mainsta. of the Daily editorial page. George Meany Spacy Jane THE PATRIARCH of the American labor movement and the con- science of seven United States presidents is dead.a In his 25 years at the head of the nation's largest labor{ federation, George Meany's gruff, Bronx-accented voice, his cigar, and his pointed sar- casm came to symbolize labor in this country. But it was Meany's undying commitment to the cause of the American worker that won him a place in tie hearts of the socially conscious, an indelible spot in American history as one of the few great men who never served in public office. Meany's passion, his commitment, his dedication, was to the work force, that segment of American society that was forgotten in the days of Pinkerton detectives, trust-busting, and the bat- tle of Eagle Pass. Labor unions were not popular when George Meany first took up the cause-unions were not large, they were not powerful, and, in most cases, they were not tolerated. But if any one man can be singly said responsible to moving organized labor from a position of disdain to an accep- ted potent political force, that man is George Meany, the former plumber from the Bronx. Indeed it was Meany's humble beginnings that endeared him in the hearts and minds of workers nation- wide. George Meany was, like them, a worker, a laborer, and he would remember their plight and carry-their struggle from the high-ceilinged corridors of Congress to the pomp and circumstance of the oval office. Meany's commitment to labor came before any commitment to any politician, party, or president. He would not hesitate to bitterly condemn Lyndon Johnson as quickly and with as much of his characteristic sarcasm as when he condemned Johnson's Republican successors-but only when labor was threatened. Too many who look at organized labor today see only powerful unions of millions of 'members, swinging elec- tions with their endorsements and exercising unchecked political clout. Too few remember that less than a. generation ago, there was no such thing as minimum wage, safe working conditions, paid vacations, and basic human dignity for America's working class. When George Meany was alive, he never let those darker days be forgot- ten. He kept the cause alive by not relenting in the struggle even until his death. American labor, and the nation as a whole, has lost one of its last true crusaders. George Meany will be sorely missed. T'AA AN~ ARTI$ST S $ ME 50e~e- zTN ,J& IA THSEM RP~cLQ oA ' A A04 OL 9sF VT- By Tom Stevens TOVWHOND\ Po I M\A E T 7H C 4Ec I AII I i1 -L- . . - - -.. January 10, 1980 An Open Letter to President Jimmy Carter: I cannot reach you personaly, although I have tried every avenue open to me-person-to- person telephone calls, the white house answering service, telegrams, etc. We are united as a nation, all the little Americans with the big brains. We are telling you to listen. APPEAR ON national network television with a show of America's full military force. Appear with all the branches of the armed service, in full dress uniforms. 'And then, Mr. President, you must read to the American people the new armed forces code of conduct. Tell the older generation of Americans that if the hostages are forced to lie at a mock trial, that these men and women are and always will be honorable citizens of the United States of America. You must tell the entire world that Iran's only legal recourse under international law is to deport the hostages as undesirable visitors-that is the only charge that Iranians can make. I have full fress uniform, how straight and proud a general looks. President Carter, you must also put all of our military bases on full alert, to show the world how fast it can be done. Have an air force and naval show of all of America's awesome air power. We must show the world how powerful we really are. We must have this kind of show of military force. The Soviets have removed their elite forces from Iran-by moving them to the next country (Afghanistan). They have killed off a generation of Iranian youth. It will take Iran 20 years to ever function effectively as a country again. I have several ideas. FIRST, WE should drop food in a circle around the em- bassy-drop rice like rain, with flyers. I believe the Iranians would drop to their knees to pick up every grain of rice that they could. I want our television cameras turned on, to show the world how hungry the Iranians are. They will desert the hostages and grovel in the dirt for rice and salt. We shall have our hostages plus save face. After we have all Letters. to the Daily.,- FOURTH, if the Iranians do not want to release our citizens, we will create jihad-a holy war. We should state our intentions and all go on red alert within 48 hours. Once the Russian elite corp has left therarea, we should make our first drop of rice and salt, at about 5:00 a.m. The only reason those people take to demon- strating is, I believe, they do not have enough food and warm clothing. LAST, PRESIDENT Carter, let the Russians and the Chinese fight each other. They have millions of men and women they can affordto lose-that many less to feed. We, Americans do not trust China any more than we trust Russia. We are being set up to be made fools of once again. Do not allow the Chinese any military infor- mation. And remember, President Car- ter, not only the 50 American hostages, but their parents and families are suffering with each passing day. am going to discuss. It concerns a tuba player. I don't know the gentleman's name. I only know that his presence, or to put it more objec- tively-his music-made the dif- ference. Let me give you the par- ticulars, then I promise to make my point and be done with it. Last weekend I went to thD Dayton-Michigan basketball game with a few friends. We wat- ched the Michigan men play Dayton first. There was the usual noise, the cheers, the raz- zmatazz, and the music. The score was fine and dandy. Everybody was happy. Then the Michigan women were to play the Illinois women. People left. The band packed up The video cameras went away The lights in the lobby went off. (I guess they assumed that the fans, like the women on the team, would be content to slink out gratefully through the back door.) There was a tuba player who stayed. He stayed through the whole game. He played "Hail to the Victors" to what might have 01 he Mixbigan B at-IV EDITORIAL STAFF Sue Warner............................... EDITOR-IN-CHIEF Richard Berke, Julie Rovner.......... MANAGING EDITORS Michael Arkush ,Keith Richburg.. EDITORIAL DIRECTORS Brian Blanchard.......................UNIVERSITY EDITOR BUSINESS STAFF LISA CULBERSON ...................... Business Manager ARLENE SARYAN ......................Sales Manager BETH WARREN..............................Dislay Manager