Page Si ix THE MICHIGAN DAILY Tuesday, June 22, 1976 Primaries: Political puzzle WASHINGTON (A:" - The presidential primary has joined the electoral college as one of those institutions roundly con- demned every fousr years as a mess and then not mentioned again for another four years. 'I think these primaries are demean- ing," Senate Majority Leader Mike Mans- field observed at the conclusion of the 1976 primary season. "I think they are too espensive." MANSFIELD HAS said all along he prefers one big national primary or a series of regional primaries to the cur- rent hodge-podge stretching from Feb- ruary to June with the rules changing from state to-state. But Mansfield concedes Congress is unlikely to do anything about it this year. Like the electoral c o 11 e g e, nobody thinks much about primaries except in election years, and it's hard to accom- plish much reform t sotething so po- litical then. With 32 states holding some kind of primary, this year broke the record of 26 set in 1916 when reformers of the Pro- gressive Era invented the primary as a way to beat the backroom boys. ity contests. Others use the results of the straw votes to apportion convention dele- gates. Others elect delegates directly with no vote for presidential preference. Still others do both at the same time. Candidates often win big in the popular vote and get few or no delegates, or the other way around. So, who's the winner? Most candidates choose their prima- ries, entering where they must or where their chances are best. This can pre- vent a clear choice between the major contenders, who often deliberately avoid meeting head-on. SOME STATES avoid this by putting every possible candidate on the ballot, but this can backfire by keeping long- defunct candidates on the ballot just when the choice is beginning to narrow. In addition, the primaries now are con- fusing, strung out and far removed from the actual election of the president. Although the primaries are intended to let the people-not the polls-picks the nominees, only a tiny minority of the country's eligible voters t a k e s part- about 17 per cent this year. Highly motivated minority groups, po- litical activists and people with axes to grind vote while the average person On the other hand, the candidate who pitches to a particular constituency on the right or left in order to win prima- ries and nominations often gets clob- bered in the fall when the rest of the electorate turns out. For example, take Republican Barry Goldwater in 1964 and Democrat McGovern in 1972. Then there is the argument that pri- maries force candidates to go to the people and talk about the issues. Arizona Rep. Morris Udall, who is a distant sec- ond to Carter in delegates, has made this argument. He has complained, though, that it just isn't working that way in the primaries as they are currently con- structed. The problem from the Democratic side was the crowded field. Primaries don't encourage discussion of the issues when the average voter can't know the players, much less their stands on the issues. SARGENT SHRIVER, one of the first to be eliminated from the ranks of Demo- cratic candidates, left with a blast at the primaries as providing nothing but "pablum for the mind and puff for the ego." Udall is one of several congressmen who have introduced bills which would institute a series of regional primaries run on common rules. But all such measures introduced in the House have been bottled up by Chairman Wayne Hays of the Adminis- tration Committee. In the Senate, the Rules Committee is stalling the action. However, in endorsing reform again last week, Mansfield mentioned a bill by Sen. Walter Mondale (D-Minn.) which seems to be the most popular version. THE MONDALE bill would create a series of six regional primaries. States would not be required to hold primaries, but if they did, they would have to do it on the same date as other states in their region. There would be a two-week interval between each regional primary, but Mon- dale contends his plan would cut four months from the current exhausting primary season. Both President Ford and Senate Minority Leader Hugh Scott have endorsed this approach. The Mondale bill also would clear up some other problems. It would require states to put the names of the presiden- tial candidates on the ballot. And it would prevent crossover voting; that is, Democrats would have to vote in their own primary and Republicans in theirs. THE REGIONAL or national primary would do nothing about the difficulty of ALTHOUGH Republican presidential candidate Ronald Reagan was 103 dele- gates behind President Ford on June 9 following the end of the long primary season, he picked up 17 of the 19 dele- gates selected June 12 by Republicans in Missouri, and trimmed 17 more dele- gates from Ford's lead this past week- end in GOP conventions and caucuses in five states. winnowing the field more effectively. The best way to do this would be a run- off provision to clear out the crowd and give the voters a clearer choice before the final decision was made. Totally impractical with 32 states hal, ing independent primaries, runoffs omighst be feasible with a half-dozen or fewer primaries. But this is receiving no ser- ious consideration. Alabama is the tast state currently providing a runoff, rnd this applies only to the delegate por ,a of the primary. Regional primaries would solve some problems, but could cause trouble in other areas. They would harm, for ex- ample, the chances of little-known can- didates who use the months of campaign- ing and public exposure to gain recog- nition and support, as Carter did this year. BEGINNING WITH THE New Hampshire primary, the liberals in the Democrat presidential race had a greater combined vote in several primaries than front- runner Jimmy Carter, and any of them running alone probably would have beaten him. But Carter, who was closer to the middle politically, benefitted from opponents who took votes from each other. THE REVIVAL in recent years traces chiefly to the reform movement within the major political parties, especially the Democratic. States are not required to hold presi- dential primaries to pick or instruct national convention delegates. But many states have concluded they are the easiest way to avoid running afoul of party reforyn rules or inviting credentials challenges at the convention. There is generai agreement that the primaries are accomplishing their major purpose. They are harder to rig than caucuses or conventions. They take pres- idential nominating to a large degree out of the smoke-filled rooms and put it in the hands of the voters. But there are drawbacks. In the first place the number of primaries and the necessity to campaign in as many of them as possible places a tremendous burden on the funds and health of the candidate. THE MUDDLE which comes from dif- ferent rules and different meaning of the results from state to state confuses voters and candidates alike. Some states hold presidential popular- stays home. Consequently, the minority holds an inordinate sway over the nomi- nating process. CERTAIN STATES, by virtue of the time of their contest along the primary trail, gain political clout far beyond any rational relation to their size in votes or delegates. Delegates also help cull crowded fields of candidates, as they did for the Demo- crats this year. But critics say the illogic of the system sometimes sorts out the best candidates. If there are a lot of "middle-ground" candidates, the primary system favors the liberal or conservative with a moti- vated minority constituency. George Mc- Govern in 1972 is a good case in point. But if there are a lot of liberals, as there were this year in the Democratic field, then the candidate closer to the middle benefits from opponents who take votes from each other. BEGINNING with New Hampshire, the liberals had a greater combined vote in several primaries than Jimmy Carter, and any one of them running alone prob- ably would have beaten him. Doily Photo by SCOTT ECCKER PRESIDENT GERALD FORD, who holds a slight lead in the race for the Republican nomination, supports Sen. Walter Mondale's (D-Minn.) primary reform bill which would create a series of six regional primaries. There would be a two-week interval between each regional primary, but Mondale contends his plan would cut four months from the primary season.