9e Sfi0 igan Bailt Seventy-nine years of editorial freedom Edited and managed by students at the University of Michigan balancing teacups One evening gone down the drain nadine cohodas 420 Maynard St., Ann Arbor, Mich. News Phone: 764-0552 Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily express the individual opinions of staff writers or the editors. This must be noted in all reprints. WEDNESDAY, MAY 6, 1970 NIGHT EDITOR: ROBERT KRAFTOWITZ Fighting U.S. imperialism THERE WAS little new or even surpris- ing in President Nixon's decision last week to send U.S. troops and supplies into Cambodia. Vainly masked as a peace keeping of- fensive, the attack was, to be sure, a firm rebuff to the large and growing seg- ment of America that wishes to end, not expand, the U.S. genocide in Southeast Asia. The nightmare of U.S. involvement in Vietnam is well known, but this country has been carrying on similar, though less dramatic activities throughout the Third World. U.S. intervention in Laos, for example, began in the early '60s and continues to- day in the form of "military advisers" and $90 million annually in military aid. Thousands of troops more and millions of dollars of equipment are being used to bolster the Thai government. And elsewhere in the world, the U.S. is sending advisers and sophisticated coun- ter-insurgency equipment to unpopular, totalitarian pro-American governments to help them prevent insurrection, however just. WHAT EMERGES from a broad look at U.S. activity in the underdeveloped nations is a striking, unified policy of repression-an attempt to destroy healthy nationalist movements b e c a u s e they threaten American business interests and American political domination of the western world. The successful resistance to this repres- sion by the Viet Cong and the Vietna- mese people is one sure sign of the strength of these nationalist movements. Out of fear and "national interest," the United States continues its policy of re- pression. But the strong will of the peo- ples of the Third World foreshadows their ultimate triumph. T HOME, meanwhile, the government and corporate interests of the United Mtates are following policies similar to those used abroad. America is the richest c o u n t r y in the world, but millions of Americans are forced to live in poverty and degradation. Oh joy ON THIS, the fifth anniversary of the first national protest march against the war in Vietnam, We would like the world to take note that the children born the month President Kennedy commit- ted the first American roops to Vietnam are now eight years old. In only ten years, they will be old enough to draft. -J.S. Summer Editorial Staff ALEXA CANADY .......Co-Editor MARTIN HIRSCHMAN .... ..... . Co-Editor SHARON WEINER..... .. Summer Supplement Editor NIGHT EDITORS: Rob Bier. Nadine Cohodas, Robert Kraftowitz. Anita Wetterstroem ASSISTANT NIGHT EDITORS: Lindsay Chaney, Hes- ter Pulling, Carla Rapoport, Debbie Thal, Harvard Valance TAN G. WRIGHT Business Manager PHYLLIS HURWITZ ..,. Administrative Advertising CRAIG WOLSON...............Retail Advertising DAVID BELL.......... .... ...... .. Circulation MARK WALFISH ....... .. Personnel VIDA OLDSTEIN..............Staff Coordinator AMY COHEN ... ...............Finance And just as the U.S. Army has enforced the status quo abroad, so the police forces of the nation's cities have enforced eco- nomic and political domination over the black communities. The Black Panther Party for Self-De- fense was born as a response to the bru- tal, racist oppression of the white power structure and the police. And it has at- tempted to provide the black community with new hope and new dignity. The response of the government and the police has been predictable. Panther leaders have been harrassed and assas- sinated. Police have laid seige to and in- vaded Panther headquarters. And Panth- ers have been indicted on phony charges. Black Panther Chairman Bobby Seale and eight other members of the Panthers are presently up for trial in New Haven, Conn., on charges that they murdered another Panther. The charge is absurd' but frighteningly, conviction is likely be- cause of the pervasive indoctrination in this country against black revolutionaries. jN RESPONSE to the war in Indochina and the trial of Bobby Seale, students across the country have initiated a strike against classes this week. While of doubt- ful value as a long-range tactic for ef- fecting radical change in American so- ciety, the strike is a worthy symbolic act and deserves widespread support. Whilenot h i t t i n g at the source of racism and imperialism in American so- ciety, a strike against the universities is far from inappropriate in this struggle. For a careful analysis of the functioning of the nation's universities reveals that, more often than not, they are serving largely as the tools of American imperial- ism and racism. Last year, for example, the University did $14.8 million of research, much of it classified, for the Department of De- fense. The University's specialty for the DOD is its advanced capability in radar and optical sensing devices used for target surveillance. The University also provides manpower for the military through Reserve Officer Training Corps programs that are par- tially subsidized by the University. Somewhat more indirect aid to the military is provided by the University as researchers perform investigations under contracts from racist, militarist corpora- tions, and as the University offers these companies free recruiting facilities. Administrators often hide behind the statement that the universities are free and open academic communities. But this is so, where are the training centers for Viet Cong? where the research is provok- ing, rather than suppressing nationalist revolution abroad? and where are pro- grams, on the scale of the corporate and military projects, for aiding the black and other disadvantaged communities? By taking on the dirty work of the mil- itary-industrial complex, the universities have become equal partners in their crimes of racism and imperialism, and just targets for this week's demonstrators. WHILE NOT new, President Nixon's in- vasion of Cambodia is an o b v i o u s notice that he is bent on continuing U.S. policies of imperialism in Southeast Asia. This determined aggression must be met with determination to resist. -MARTIN HIRSCHMAN Co-Editor NOT MANY PEOPLE have the oppor- tunity to meet a sewer face first. In fact, I don't think too many people would relish that experience and I was one of them. But a set of circumstances a few weeks ago decreed that like it or not, I was to become acquainted with the drain on the corner of Main and Williams streets. It all started with the common gesture of giving someone a ride to work, parking his car for him and returning the keys. Sounds simple enough and usually is. However, for some reason or other that night my motor abilities seem to have been somewhat lacking and the keys fell out of my hands and plopped into the sewer. I looked down, expecting, I guess, that they might resurrect themselves or at least float to the top. Wishful thinking. "Oh, lord, that didn't happen," I told myself. But no one appeared to confirm my assertion. So I walked to where my friend was and said hello. Then I added, "I have something to tell you I just drop- ped your keys down the sewer and I'm really sorry. I just don't know how it hap- pened." She sat down. "Oh, dear," she sang. "We'll have to think about this." "Do you have a duplicate for the car and I'll have duplicates made for the rest of them?" I threw in immediately. NO, SHE DIDN'T have a duplicate be- cause that had been lost last year. "Oh my," we thought in unison. Then another friend said he could hot wire the car so she could get home and I said I'd try the fire department or whoever else could help. With a small prayer, some hope and two dimes, I called the fire, police and city water deparments (free call) who all ex- pressed deep sympathy, chuckled once or twice and said they couldn't do a thing. By this time I was, to say the least, frazzled. But then someone suggested a magnet-he would go home and get his magnet and I could fish until my heart's content for the keys. Swell, I smiled. I knew it would work out, I thought. Half an hour later the magnet arrived and during that time another friendly soul had inserted a broom handle in the sewer hole and found that the water four feet below the pavement was only five inches deep. Thus, it appeared mathematically possible to retrieve the keys. I quickly unwound the magnet string and started probing the mucky bottom waiting for a click or the slightest tug that would indicate the keys had been located. I DANGLED to the left, and then to the right, forward, backwards, in the center, back to the left and the right and no keys. In the midst of my danglings, another man had joined the search and suggested we have "some teamwork and coordination." This meant that I held one flashlight, the other gentleman held another and the new arrival used the magnet. "I think I have found them," he said in a few minutes. "Now how can we get them out?" "Sir," I said to him, "if you and some- one else will hold my legs and turn me up- side down, I'll get the keys." "No, no dear," he protested. "You'll get all dirty." "But I don't care-these are just blue- jeans and an old sweater and I've gotta get the keys." "Well, all right," he consented and promptly grabbed my left leg while the other gentleman grabbed the right. "Hold on tight," I suggested on my way down. AH, YES. How does one describe the I, 9 I feeling of sewer muck billowing 'ver one's fingers. Lovely indeed, I thought, like fish- ing for the meatball in yesterday's spa- ghetti, soft and mushy and squeezy with a delightful aroma to boot. "Anything yet," one of my holders asked? "No," I replied, still sloshing through the muck and still fingering each gloppy hand- ful for anything resembling keys. "I've got'em-I've got 'em-I've got 'em.i" I yelled in the next few seconds. "OK, get her out now," someone directed. "Yes, do," I agreed, carrying the top layer of grime on my jeans and sweater. But I did have them--keys to a Volks- wagen, a Ford van, a house, an apartment and one key to a room at the Inn America. All safe and sound though admittedly filthy. I washed them off, gave them to their rightful owner, thanked the entire crew for its help and headed home to the shower. The only remaining dilemma: Do I take one with my clothes or without them? too We are at war in Laos, By JEREMY J. STONE @ Dispatch News Service IN THE northern highlands of Laos, the United States is fighting a secret war that is totally unneccessary from every point of view. And our willingness to en- gage in it is playing into the hands of the North Vietnamese and un- dermining our policy in South Vietnam. There is no treaty re-. quirement for the fighting, which is taking place on the basis of "no defense commitment - written, stated, or understood." And the fighting is taking place without any overall Congressional author- ization, solely under the "executive authority of the President." These conclusions, and official quota- tions, are based on the Symington Committee hearings on Laos, just released after six months - of wrangling with the State Depart- ment over their declassification. THE HEARINGS reveal two separate wars in Laos. In the southern part of Laos, massive American bombing strikes attempt to reduce the infiltration of men and supplies into South Vietnam along the Ho Chi Minh Trails. In the northern highlands of Laos, the United States is also engaged in massive bombing of Pathet Lao anal North Vietnamese forces, which are fighting with the Royal Laotian Army and with the Amer- ican-sponsored clandestine Meo Army. Bombing capacity freed from bombing North Vietnam has found its way to Laos, as it did durign the cessation of bombing of North Vietnam in late 1965. This capacity is shifted between the north and south of Laos as military priorities dictate, in a way that indicates that the full force of strikes previously made on North Vietnam are now being visited upon Laos. Judging from a single day during the earlier bombing cessation when a total of 378 sorties took place, and from costs per sortie of $3,190, corties against Laos may exceed 100.000 annually at a cost measured in hundreds of millions of dollars. Meanwhile, on the ground, the United States in the most recent year invested $90 million in mili- tary assistance alone in a country whose gross national product is $150 million. A few hunderd mili- tary advisers assist Laotian forces. And, continuously since before the 1962 Geneva accords, the United States has been feeding, shelter- ing, equipping, and advising the only army in Laos that can fight - the Meo army - for use in northern Laos. IN NORTHERN LAOS, the war has been going on for a long time. Since 1963, there have been seven years of seasonal offensives and counteroffenses in central north- ern Laos in which increasing American air and logistic support has been induced by (or matched by) increases in North Vietnamese ground combat forces. T h e s e Letters to the Editor Biblical message To the Editor: AND IT CAME to pass that David (ordered), "Set Uriah in the forefront of the hottest battle... that he may be smitten and die," and it came to pass, and Uriah died . . . . And the wife of Uriah made lamentation. .. . And David sent and took her home to his house and she became his wife, and bore him a son. But the thing that David had done displeased Jehovah. And Jehovah sent Nathan unto David, and Nathan said unto him, "There were two men, the one rich and the other poor. The rich man had exceeding many flocks and herds, but the poor man had nothing save one little ewe lamb . . And the rich man took the poor man's lamb." Andl David's anger was greatly kindled against the man . . . and Nathan said to David, "Thou art the man." (II Samuel, 11, 12) THERE WERE two nations, the. one great and rich, the other tiny and empoverished. And the leader of the great nation made war upon the small one. secretly and without notice dispatching his legions and his engines of destruction. And thousands of men with their women and children in that land weremade homeless as their vil- lages were demolished, and many suffered and died, from the vio- lence inflicted upon them. And it came to pass thatnwithin the land of the great nation there were many who took issue with their leader's invasion of the small nation. In colleges-and universi- ties the young, who had not learn- ed the artifices of making war, as- sembled to make known their op- position to their leader's deed. And when the local constabularies had been summoned, hostilities ensued, with shouts and rocks pitted against guns. Four students were killed, and others c r i t i c a l ly wounded. And the anger of the great na- tion's leader was kindled, and he proclaimed that the students' dis- sent had turned to violence, and thus they had invited tragedy. And the spirits of the young dis- senters joined with the voices of those still alive to say, "Mr. Presi- dent, thou art the man." --Prof. Theodore Newcomb psychology dept. May 5 Harvey To the Editor: The reasdhing of Sheriff Harvey is something less than faultless when he asserts that "it's natural for a woman to have long hair and not man." His second alibi for cut- ting the hair of his prisoners is much easier to accept. Long hair may be unclean (not that it al- ways is). But what is really behind Sheriff Harvey's excuses? His loathing of long hair is the result of his particular accultura- tion. He has until recently seen men with shorter hair than women. But that hardly makes it more "natural" to have short hair rather than long. Man did not evolve bhiologic~aflywith shorter struggles have been over territory of no strategic significance. They have stemmed from the view that military victories would be trans- latable into "political advantages" that would determine the "char- acter of Lao 'neutralism'" at some future settlement upon a coalition government. It is startling to see what the Government spokesman responsi- ble for all the quotations thus far, Deputy Assistant Secretary of State William H. Sullivan, was arguing in 1968. He argued that the extent of the then-current Communist gains should be dis- counted, because "75 or 80 per cent" of the population were un- der Government. control in the Mekong Valley. He noted indirect- 1 how easy it would be to defend the Mekong Valley. A Communist invasion of the lowlands would have to be in "quite considerable force," and would be "susceptible to" effective Lao Air Force Action. And such Communist attacks would be further deterred by pre- senting such a "direct threat" to neighboring Thailand as to force America to hard choices with risks for' all concerned. In other words, we would simply have refused to play this game of challenging Communist control of the less well populated-and much harder to hold - highlands in which the fighting is always tak- ing place. And securely holding a clear majority of population, we could have denied that any im- portanthchange in the internal political balance had taken place. INDEED IT IS increasingly evi- dent that it has been a political strategie blunder to place such emphasis on territory which the Royalist and Meo forces patently cannot hold, even with the full weight of U.S. air support. Recent- ly. through easy-to-achieve diver- sions of troops to Laos, Hanoi has been able to raise the specter in Washington of a widening "In- dochinese" war. This has permit- ted Hanoi to outflank psychologic- ally the Administration policy of Vietnamization. After all, from Hanoi's point of view-and from that of a . sizeable segment of American opinion - the Admin- istration intends, if it can to with- draw troops from South Vietnam only by such fits and starts as will maintain our military preponder- ance. Thus, in Hanoi's view, the fight for control of central northern Laos provides a ready and nec- essary tool to keep the Nixon Ad- ministration off balance. Hanoi's forces in South Vietnam will per- iodically raise American casualty levels. But Hanoi can avoid the necessity of unleashing costly and provocative major offensives in South Vietnam while the United States is withdrawing. As the Ad- ministration itself asserted in these hearings, the North Viet- namese "orchestrate" the Laotian young and the too old, and ques- tioning whether they Joined the right side in the first place. THE ADMINISTRATION HAS no justification for this northern war. In the President's White Pa- per of March 6, the Administra- tion argued that its goal in Laos "above all" was to save American and allied lives in South Vietnam by bombing the trails in southern Laos. The Administration fears that a new coalition under Com- munist control might call upon the United States to stop bombing the trails. But the United States need not fight in the highlands to prevent such a coalition. It can prevent the formation of any new coalition - as in effect it is now doing - by insisting that Prime Minister Souvanna Phouma avoid such negotiations until the Viet- namese war ends. The defense of Thailand it sometimes given as "one of the reasons" why we are "in Laos." But, in saying so, Sullivan was careful to indicate that what was wanted was a "buffer" so t h a t Vietnamese or Chinese presence would n ot be felt "immediately against Thailand." Since the Me- kong Valley lies in-between Thai- land and the highlands, it is not necessary to fight over the latter. The President's on1y other White Paper reason for this fight- ing was to support the "indepen- dence and neutrality" of. Laos, as set forth by the Geneva accords of 1962. But the same White Paper conceded that Hanoi's goal was to pave the way for the eventual es- tablishment of a government "more amenable to Communist control." This is, as noted above, only a question of the political character of the Laotian Govern- ment. It is a question of how many Government ministerial portfolios, and which ones, t h e Pathet Lao forces get. Such ques- tions are not treated in. the 1962 accords, which simply guarantee and impose upon Laos the kind of military neutrality we k n o w in Switzerland. WE ARE MAKING again the mistake we m a d e in 1959-1961. Scholars agree widely that it was our CIA-financed effort of that t i m e to supplant Souvanna Phouma's middle-of-the-road re- gime by a clearly pro-western re- gime which brought on the po- litical chaos that made the 1962 Geneva conference necessary. We should pay much less attention to the internal political character of the Laotian Government and to the negotiations that precede its coalition governments. The Symington Committee re- port makes it evident that our goal should be simply to prevent the military conquest of the Me- kong Valley. pending an end to the Vietnamese war and negotia- tions between the Laotian fac- tions upon a suitable coalition. I i AP~P tOe R FleCT WRA\ \15 3 1T 1 r 1(f iw / t . t ./ . '. . . (IJA o t16 0010 PAfico / r . r--, S. ". MQ t p f . r f ! l 1 r J W t _ t..- q' rT w 1 er . . . ~~4)TV /66Tf~X rD-&t iT1K a 6dN,962 A1 a