Ilw Sir Dt Pit4J Seventy-nine years of editorial freedom Edited and managed by students at the University of Michigan Nixon sways with political wind 420 Maynard St., Ann Arbor, Mich. News Phone: 764-0552 Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily express the individual opinions of staff writers or the editors. This must be noted in all reprints. TUESDAY, MAY 12, 1970 NIGHT EDITOR: RICK PERLOFF College presidents must be feXible in conr ontations By HARVARD VALLANCE TAKING HIS BEST interests to heart, President Nixon has apparently con- cluded that the killing of four students at Kent State University last week was not the ideal incident on which to base his appallingly insensitive condemnation of the protesters and has set out accordingly to make amends. In a senario with almost comic overtones, a brief period that began with the famous "bums" epithet and an ill-fated attempt to blame the demonstrat- ers at Kent instead of the killers has end- ed with a 5 a.m. "rap" with allienated youth at the Lincoln Memorial and a rath- er unusual reprimand from the cabinet. The President has had to spend much of the past week in an attempt to neutralize the effects of a serious miscalculation of his ability to rally middle America against student radicals. While one can hardly blame a president for playing politics, Nix- on's sudden display of understanding for the problems of disenchanted youth is a bit hard to swallow. HIS SWIFT CONDEMNATION of the "violent dissenters" who were fired on by the guardsmen initially seemed to make a great deal of political sense in light of Governor Reagan's success in California. It was Reagan who coined the usage of "bums" as a synonym for demonstrators and nothing made him so popular as his gift for insult and his hard line against the active California left wing. The killing by police of two innocent youths in dem- onstrations in the past two years - one was wanted for a parole violation any- how - brought no great cries of alarm from concerned parents or school admin- istrators and only served to reinforce Rea-' gan's role as the man standing between the people and anarchy. The president evidently assumed that the incident at Kent State would be an appropriate "I-told-you-so" followup to his campaign to build an alliance of fear with the Silent Majority based on the ab- surdity of dealing effectively with the non- threat of student "revolution." BUT THE KENT STATE killings, it has turned out, are not what they at first ap- peared. Of the four who died, none were outsiders, none were rioters, and one was even second in his ROTC class. Kent State is not Harvard or Berkeley but a norm- ally quiet campus close to Middle Ameri- cans, and identity and sympathy ran deep. The President seemed to realize that his unsympathetic remarks about protesters were falling on unsympathetic ears as ten- sions rose and hundreds of colleges closed down as worried parents began to realize w h a t the consequences of the tension might be. With public sympathies running heavily against the national guard, is is not sur- prising that the president would enjoy taking some credit for cooling off the crisis. Without undue perception, Secretary Hickel noted; and m o s t ,of the cabinet agreed, that the President's remarks had not been cooling things off and that the situation today was ,not unlike that of the alienation of youth from the Republican Party in the 1930's. An unprecedented pro- test march by 10,000 students at the Uni- versity of Texas indicated the depth of student despair. IN LIGHT OF THE national outrage the president has concluded that it makes po- litical sense to tone down his rhetoric and to "rap" with the kids at 5 a.m. Better opportunities to capitalize on stu- dent violence will surely present them- selves in the future and it would be a mis- take to assume that the President would decline to take his best interests to heart when the occasion arises. U' As MOST OF the nation's campuses and a few of its cities erupted last week, both public officials and college adminis- trators were being forced to take note of the growing number of students who are willing to not only protest--but to join in a struggle. Not being accustomed to such massive displays of violence, the administrators have turned to their oft-used plans for "facilitating communications" as a means to qu ll the current unrest and prevent its recurrence. But in doing so, they missed the sig- nificance of the escalated campus activ- ity. Involved in last week's actions were people no longer satisfied with being al- lowed to sit down and discuss the sick- ness of America with those who perpetu- ate it. More and more of them were ready to take whatever action is best suited to bring about a swift cure. With the nation's campuses certain to be the focal point of any emerging strug- gle, it is clear that college officials must make every effort to block the growing attempts to squelch political expression. And they must be ready to depart from their traditional sense of "what is allow- able" to accomplish this. HERE AT the University, P r e s i d e n t Fleming was faced last week with a technically illegal occupation of North Hall which houses the ROTC programs. His initial decision to allow the protesters to remain in the building without fear of arrest s h o w e d a sensitivity which has been sorely lacking in most of his deci- sion over the past 18 months. But the careless actions he took after most of the protesters vacated North Hall - actions which resulted in five arrests - nullified any credibility he may have earned with participants in 'the protest. Most of the protesters voluntarily left the building at about 10 p.m. Friday night amid rumors that there would be an at- tempt to plant a bomb or set fire to North Hall. However, a few of them remained with the stated intention of preventing any possible damage to the building. Operat- ing under the assumption that Fleming would stick to his agreement not to allow police to arrest North Hall occupants for trespassing, the four "security people" were taken completely by surprise when, at 12:50 a.m., city police charged in with- out warning and arrested them.. FLEMING SAID yesterday that he had met at 11:30 p.m. with Police Chief Walter Krasny and approved the use of Sumtmer Editorial Staff ALEXA CANADY ......................... Co-Editor MARTiN HRSCHMAN ............... Co-Editor SHARON WEINER .... .. Summer Supplement Editor city police to check the building for bomb plants and fire hazards. Although the question of po'ssible ar- rests was not mentioned, Fleming said, "all of us assumed that this was really a new and different situation": The group that had been there had gone, he ex- plained, and a new group not associated with the other group was now occupying the building. The president's comments imply that he no longer considered his agreement to allow the protesters access to North Hall to be in effect. But at no time were the four remaining protesters - who, contrary to Fleming's statements, were members of the original group occupying the building-informed by the president or his representatives that the building was being closed. Faced with the possibility that North Hall was threatened by a b o m b, Flem- ing, as president of the University, could have alternatively asked a limited num- ber of plainclothes policemen to check through the building without bothering the four protesters who were peacefully standing in the first floor lobby. Instead, he v i o 1 a t e d an agreement which had been worked out during exten- sive consultations with students, faculty members, city officials and ROTC officers. SUCH INSENSITIVITY and inflexibility is not surprising-they have charac- terized the president's actions-for the past academic year. Perhaps the insensitivity of the pt'esi- dent was best exhibited at the February Regents meeting, when the demands of the Black Action Movement (BAM) were first presented. About 70 b 1 a c k students entered the meeting, and asked that Fleming as ""a show of good faith," call a special Regents meeting in two weeks to discuss progress being made by the administration in find- ing money to implement the demands. This was not a difficult request to affirm -it clearly would have eased the frustra- tion which, that evening, provoked the black students to remove books from the shelves of the Undergraduate Library. But Fleming refused to entertain the idea, saying it would be difficult to arrive at a feasible minority .enrollment plan in two weeks. WHAT IS required of Fleming, and other university presidents is a de- termined effort to r e m a i n flexible in confrontation situations, and sensitive to the fact that decisions which they believe to be just-in the traditional sense-may provoke violence. It should be clear to each college ad- ministrator that insensitivity and inflex- ibility in their actions can only be con- strued as incompetence. -ROBERT KRAFTOWITZ lv. 4',i Cinema- 4'thne Damned' By DONALD KUBIT The Damned depicts the moral corruption of Hitler's rise to power. Direc'ted by Luchino Visconti,. and including an international cast, it is a movie of importance not for its timeliness, but as Visconti sug- gests, "because we must see to it that what happened in those days in Germany must not come again." Although it is not a documentary, The Damned utilizes a number of historical events to expose the corruption and perversity that char- acterized Hitler's reign. The story deals with an aristocratic German family whose fortune lies in the success of their steel and munitions plant. Forced' by the changing political temper of the country to alter their way of life, the leadership of the family is thrown into turmoil. After the apolitical head of the family is killed, there is a struggle between the remaining mem- bers for power. The presidency is first given to an ambitious industrial- ist (Dirk Bogarde) who with the help of an aging widower (Ingrid Thulin) believes he can run the plant free of outside influence. However, the presence of a Nazi protagonist (Helmut Griem) is too overbearing and in the end the widower's son (Helmut Berger) is taken in by the Nazi movement and quietly disposes of his mother and her lover and gains control of the plant and affiliates it with Hitler. Visconti, who also had a hand in writing the script, has paralleled the external destruction of Germany with an equally devastating ruination of internal order, which closely resembles a Macbethian air of power-hungry individuals. As Hitler's forces deceitfully overrun their rivals, so is the' family destroyed by corruption and favors seasoned with ulterior motives. The film is cataclysmic in exhibiting the Nazi experience as a breeding ground for perversities. The list contains homosexuality, transvestism, incest, murder, book-burning, and suicide. And the movie is more than properly titled for it is the damnation of those persons who preached Nazism that Visconti attacks. Besides Visonti's expert handling of the material, special consider- ation must be given to the cast for their performances. Thulin, as the perfect Lady Macbeth type, is hauhting in her por- trayal. She is probably the best known for her work in Ingrid Bergman films, like The Hour of the Wolf, but her job in The Damned definitely adds yet another notch to her number of accomplishments. The star of the film must be newcomer Berger. He is marvelous as the mentally disturbed grandson. Even though he is surrounded by formidable peers, he is still able to steal many a scene and make an impression on the audience as a memorable actor. It is frightening to think that such a blood-thirsty revolt as that which beseiged Germany could occur in the modern world, and it is at the same time fortunate that a man of Visconti's caliber can retell the story in order for us all to learn a lesson. Many of today's young movie audience has little but a historical knowledge of how Hitler corrupted Germany and the world, yet it is important that we go beyond the facts and figures and reveal the repulsive ugliness of that moment of history. The Damned may seem dull and out of date to those caught up in the acceleration of day to day living, but it is a brilliant film in structure and purpose. And it remains to be seen whether the world has learned from this experience. 14 tsar, The R ::ter' "Lyndon, the whole general area seems to ache ... !" Let Blame Nixon To the Editor: THE PRESIDENT HAS laid the blame for the murder of unarmed students upon the victims them- selves. Could he be unaware that the purpose of those student demon- strations was to protest the wid- ening of the war? Has the Presi- dent forgotten that it was he who acted to widen the war? Has he forgotten that Congress ers to the Editor has repeatedly extended the draft law under which young people are forced to donate their lives - or part of their lives - to the gov- ernment? Indeed there was force and vio- lence underlying the .Kent State massacre. But the students didn't start it. The violence was initiat- ed by the government, and was directedagainst the taxpayers to force t h e m to finance its wars, and against young people to force them to fight in them. Student protests against this are mere re- taliation against the violence pre- viously directed against them by the government. If the war in Vietnam or any- where else were carried on by a volunteer army financed by vol- untary contributions, maybe there wouldn't be any student demon- strations. Why is the draft a sac- red cow? Should free men oppose a volunteer army? -Paul Stout Lombard, 111. May 6 4 Washington: Alwa ys a lot of visitors in May By ERIC SIEGEL MAY IS THE month of visitors in Washington. They come in droves, these visit- ors, to talk to their congressmen. to sit in the park and grassy areas of the city, to go to the White House. They come and, more often than not, they take something away - a souvenir, an autograph, a perverted Washington sight- seeing tours inc, view what their government is like. In a sense, the thousands and thousands ,- Mayor Walter E. Washington said 100,000 - of demonstrators who came to Wash- ington Saturday were visitors, too. But they were a different breed of visitors. For one thing, they already knew what their govern- ment was like even if they had never been to Washington before. For another, what they were tak- ing away was much less tangible than that which most visitors take away from here. "This is the time for us to build up or anger and build up a head of steam to go back to our local communities until we cripple their war machine," Dave Delinger yell- ed to the crowd. ment ground or on local campuses; a few of them met with Nixon before dawn Saturday. By 10 a.m. Saturday, the Elipse below the White House was almost filled with people. Less than 12 hours later, a dark- haired girl was being led by a metropolitan policeman and lined up against an old khaiki but to be carted away and booked on charges of disorderly conduct for sitting down in the middle of an intersection. Her face shone red in the glare of the cameramen's floodlights. Her eyes seemed tired and hollow. Her fingers formed the peace sign. And she was sing- ing, "All we are asking/Is give peace a chance" and trying to look brave. In a sense, though, that the girl was arrested at all was sonlewhat atypical of what went on in Wash- ington. Only a comparative hand- ful of the crowd was arrested; on- ly a few hundred were involved in any type of clash with police at all. For the most part, those who came not to be arrested but, as one student from Kent State said, "Be- cause we had to, because things have gotten so bad we have to do happening that afternoon on the Elipse, but on what would happen in the future. "I think this is an historic dem- onstraition in this sense," Ron Young, one of the Mobe coor- dinators was saying. "We. have not come with false hope that this demonstration will end the war. We are not going to go back to our dormitories and churches and say, 'Oh my God, the war is still going on,' We are going to spread the student strike and end the war." AND THIS demonstration didn't even have a name. There was no time to decide whether it was a moratorium or a mass mobiliza- tion; there was no time to make up special buttons to keep in your scrapbook. This nameless, but- tonless demonstration arose in a week, a spontaneous swell of con- cern and commitment. The demonstration never lost its spontaneity. When Beulah Sanders of the National Welfare Rights Organization called for people in the audience to pass up their draft cards, 300 cards were received.. whom were taunted with cries of "Pig" and "Whose side are you on?" by the militants for their efforts to keep the peace) and Mayor Washington, D.C. police, and an unorganized crowd of 100,- 000 were better able to control themselves than the U.S Army (My Lai) or the National Guard (Kent State). MUCH OF THE rhetoric was old and tired, but it was not with- out its insights. Jane Fonda said, "It's a lot easier to kill four stu- dents when the heads of state call them bums." And again from Beulah Sanders, "Our welfare children aren't going to fight for their country because their coun- try hasn't done a damn thing for them." Throughout the late afternoon and into the early evening, the classic argument for violence and confrontation versus peaceful pro- test and political action were de- bated on street corners, around Lafayette Park by the militants and the not so militants. IT WAS A DAY of many moods, some quite obvious, other less de- finable. In the end, though, most ot I