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More than a casual reminder

Wednesday, July 29, 1970

THE MICHIGAN DAILY


THE MICHIGAN DAILY

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420 Maynard Street, Ann Arbor, Mich.
Edited and managed by students at the
University of Michigan

Editorials mrinted in The Michigan Daily express the individual
opinions of the author. This must be noted in all reprints.

WEDNESDAY, JULY 29, 1970

News Phone: 764-0552

He's out of touch
EVERY NOW AND THEN, someone in the Nixon admin-
istration comes forth with a particularly revealing
statement. During Cambodia it was Walter Hickel and
yesterday Attorney General John Mitchell made his bid
for posterity.
In commenting on the recent shootings in Houston,
Texas and Lawrence, Kansas, Mitchell said it was his be-
lief that the police "in most instances were carrying out
normal police activities."
It is indeed "normal" in America to kill. Murders are
common and the police as well as Washington have come
to accept it as part of their way of life.
The powers that be are fighting to save }their way of
life. They imagine every demonstration as an attack on
the system and they are deathly afraid of losing. That
they are desperate is evident from the recently enacted
D.C. crime bill which allows no-knock entrys, wire taps
and jailing without bond.
Mitchell claims that the deaths in Houston and Law-
rence can not be compared to the deaths that occurred
after the decision to invade Cambodia. The Attorney Gen-
eral is too blind to see that dissatisfaction with the ad-
ministration caused the students to protest after Cam-
bodia and that the blacks band together in order to save
themselves from being totally destroyed in the ghettoes.
In every case, the "establishment" is the true offender.
IT IS CLEAR that Mitchell is out of touch with the cam-
puses when he says he expects fewer student demon-
strations in the fall and it is not necessary to get out of
Vietnam in order to regain domestic tranquility.
He believes that campus violence is caused by a few
campus militants. He hopes that by arresting enough of
these "bums" he can calm the universities. Even after the
Cambodian reaction he refused to believe that there was
widespread dissent towards the President's policies.
Thus whenever deaths occur, Mitchell must place the
blame on "revolutionaries." He cannot admit that dissent
is massive, spontaneous and sincere. To do so would be to
admit that administration policy has led to much of the
nation's unrest.
As such, in doing battle with "revolutionaries" Mitch-
ell has come to accept killings as "normal police activi-
ties."
--BILL ALTERMAN
NIGHT EDITOR: ROB BIER
Summer Editorial Staff
ALEXA CANADY .. .....................................Co-Editor
MARTIN HIRSCHMAN ................... ........ ........ Co-Editor
SHARON WEINER ... .................... Summer Supplement Editor
SARA KRULWICH............... . . . . ............ Photo Editor
LEE KIRK....................................Summer Sports Staff
NIGHT EDITORS: Rob Bier, Nadine Cohodas, Erica Hoff
ASSISTANT NIGHT EDITORS: Bill Alterman, Lindsay Chaney, Phil
Hertz, Debra Thal

By BILL ALTERMAN
ANYONE WHO THINKS Presi-
dent Richard Nixon' will not
be following a Southern Strategy
in 1972 might be urged to read
Senator Strom Thurmond's re-
cent speech in which he accused
the President of "breaking faith
with the South."
Thurmond castigates Nixon for
allowing 100 "carpetbagging" jus-
tice department lawyers to "in-
vade" the South for the "purpose
of assuring forced integration."
And for taking away the tax ex-
empt status of private schools af-
ter Nixon assured him that he
supported "the continuance of the
private schools." The speech is not
just random attacks, but a warn-
ing to Nixon "that the people of
the South and the people of the
nation will not support such, un-
reasonable policies."
Naturally of course, the Sena-
tor does not want to blame the re-
cent turn of events on Nixon, thus
he sees t h e President's "liberal
and ultra-liberal advisors" as the
real enemy.
Now Thurmond is not a dumb
man. Racist, yes. But not stupid.
In 1968 he was able to* make
Richard Nixon his parties nom-
inee and then, in the move of all
time, he got Nixon to pick Spiro
Agnew as his running mate.
AT A, TIME WHEN everyone
was talking about a need for
"fresh blood," Richard Nixon was
counting votes and came to the
conclusion that Strom Thurmond
and a Southern Strategy offered
him his best hope.
And it was Thurmond who told
the good people of the South that
though George Wallace may be
the Messiah, he was not going to
be President. Thus much of the
South was saved and Richard Nix-
on was elected President.
As the next 18 months unfold-
ed, it was c 1 e a r the President
would do little to harm his friends
in the South. Thus on issue after
issue the administration would
only move after the federal courts
demanded action.
For a while Nixon felt smug. He
figured that having voted for him
once, the South would have no
qualms about voting for him
again so long as he did move too
fast.
NOW HOWEVER, a monkey
wrench has been thrown into his
plans. With the re-election of
George Wallace as governor of Al-
abama, it appears that once again
Nixon will be in a three way race
for the Presidency. And once
again he will have to lean heavily
on Strom Thurmond for salva-
tion.
Like everyone else in Washing-
ton, with the possible exception of
Barry Goldwater. Nixon would
rather be President than right. As
such, he will shortly be taking out
his yellow sheet pad and begin
anew his never ending quest to
count to 269, the magic number


t

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in the electoral college needed for
re-election. And o n c e again he
will see his strength based on a
Southern Strategy.
Richard Nixon would dearly like
to spread his support to 'ether
parts of the country, but not at
the expense of losing his South-
ern backers. A closer look at 1972
might help clarify matters.
Nixon's most likely opponent
will be a Northern liberal. Sena-
tors Harold Hughes (D-Iowa) and
Edmund Muskie (D-Me.) are lead-
ing prospects. At the moment Ed-
ward Kennedy appears out of it.
By convention time however three
years will have passed since Chap-
aquaddick and the nomination
might just be his for the asking.
Whoever the candidate is, he
will garner most of his strength
from the Northeast.
The Democrats will then have
the same problem they had in
1960. Either they can go for a lib-
eral VP candidate and forfeit all
hope of southern support, or they
can ,as John Kennedy did, pull a
Lyndon Johnson out of their hat.
All of this is dependent on an
electorate which closely resembles
the one of 1968. The two major
issues which could change t h e
current voting pattern would be,
first, the war in Vietnam, a n d
second, the economy.
By 1972 most American troops
will be out of Vietnam. More than
likely neither "of the two major
candidates will want to dwell on
this sensitive issue. Since b o t h
candidates will be claiming a
peace-oriented stand, only a ma-
jor reversal in Vietnam such as
a complete communist takeover in
the middle of the election year
will bring more than hot winded
rhetoric on this issue.
THE ECONOMY remains t h e
big question -for '72. Through a
combination of circumstances our
economy has temporarily hit a
r'oadblock. Some economists pre-
dict a quick leveling off while oth-
ers make dire forecasts of t h e
slump continuing for several years.
It is on this issue Richard Nixon

is weakest. The Republican party
has been traditionally anti-labor,
and it is only by the grace of stu-
dent activism and patrioticflag
waving that Nixon has the sup-
port of some blue collar workers.
With a rise in unemployment,
coupled with the continuing spiral
of inflation however, the Presi-
dent's time is quickly running out.
By 1972 labor could be solidly en-
trenched back in the Democratic
camp.
If student support is the kiss of
death in'1972, it would be very
easy for the Democrats to brush
them aside. Their voting power is
limited. One group the Democrats
cannot afford to disavow howev-
er, is the blacks.
NIXON HAD HOPED he could
win in 1972 by simply asking for
the support of "The Silent Ma-
jority." He would have attempted
to form a coalition of laborers and
middle class Republicans while at
the same time lambasting "bomb-
throwers and bums."
With Wallace running in 1972
and dragging the issue of segre-
gation in with him, Nixon now
has no choice but to wheel out
Strom Thurmond in an attempt
to "outseg him." Otherwise the
very voters Nixon is appealing to
via Spiro Agnew will, on the emo-
tional issue of race, vote for the
Alabama governor. No longer will
a vote for Nixon represent a vote
against the administration as it
did in 1968. Thus with the Sen-
ator from South Carolina leading
the onslaught, Nixon will attempt
to hold Virginia, North Carolina
and the other southern states he
vitally needs to form a power base.
And in his speech last week,
Thurmond was politely remind-
ing the President that if he want-
ed Southern support, he was go-
ing to have to loosen the inte-
grationist clamp he had meekly
put on the South. Thus Richard
Nixon will now have to walk the
thin line, claiming freedom for all
but allowing the South to contin-
ue their brutal segregationist pol-
icies.


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EDWARD B. HINMAN
President, International Paper Company

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